The Human Rights Organization of Bhutan (HUROB) has asked Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh to discuss the Bhutanese refugee imbroglio with his Bhutan counterpart, Tshering Tobgay, who is in India on his 6-day-long official visit since Friday.
HUROB Chairman SB Subba
In an open letter to Dr Singh, HUROB asked him to hold ‘serious parleys’ with PM Tobgay and explore means to repatriate refugees, who have been desperately awaiting dignified repatriation.
The right body also pointed out that the ongoing resettlement has sidelined issue of repatriation, and urged the Singh’s government to understand and respect rights of exiled Bhutanese.
“India being largest democracy in the world and stand by the democratic values and individual rights should exercise its power to convince Bhutan to repatriate the Bhutanese refugees at the earliest,” said HUROB Chairperson, SB Subba, in his letter to the Indian Prime Minister.
He further said, “India should mediate dialogue with the dissident leaders and the Bhutan government for peaceful resolution of the problem through national reconciliation as 15 rounds of bilateral talk between the governments of Nepal and Bhutan were completely a failure and yielded no positive outcome.”
Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay has arrived in the Indian capital New Delhi on his first foreign trip after assuming his office.
PM Tobgay with Rahul Gandhi (Picture : Internet)
The Indian Minister of State for Home Affairs, Ratanjit Pratap Narain Singh, and his team received the Bhutanese Prime Minister in New Delhi.
Media reports from Delhi confirmed that the Prime Minister has already met Indian Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh, National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon, Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde, Finance Minister P Chidambaram, and Vice-President of Indian National Congress, Rahul Gandhi.
“Thank you for the many good wishes. Am happy to report that Delhi visit and meetings with leaders here proceeding well,” PM Tobgay twitted from Delhi.
Meanwhile, Tobgay is scheduled to call on Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh for finalizing India’s assistance to Bhutan’s 11th five-year-plan before flying to Hyderabad, where he will visit the IT parks.
While in India, the Prime Minister will also call on the Governor of Andra Pradesh, ESL Narasimhan.
He is accompanied by his wife Tashi Doma, Minister for Foreign Affairs Rinzin Dorji, and senior government officials.
Within a gap of just five weeks, two movies being produced featuring the Bhutanese refugee issue have released their first official trailers, the latest one by the ‘Desh Khojdai Janda’ on Friday.
The ‘Bel City’, a documentary movie that is jointly produced by the Bhutan Media Society, HWH Charity (UK) and independent German filmmaker Felix Jaekel, released its first trailer on July 23.
While, ‘Desh Khojdai Janda’ meaning “in search of nation” is a feature movie by Nepalese artist Prakash Angdembe that has joint investments from Ifacains International Foundation, Ifaca Bhutan, and Gantabya Theatre, and produced by the Line Cross Movies.
If post-production works of both the movies go as per the producers’ plans, their fans would grasp opportunity to watch them by the end of this early or early 2014.
Balaram Rashaily and Sandip Kumar Tamang have been declared as ‘child artists of the year 2013’ amidst inter-school competitions in Beldangi, Jhapa, Sunday.
17-years-old Rashaily was declared the best child singer, while Tamang, 18, became the best dancer, informed the Bhutanese Refugee Children Forum (BRCF).
Likewise, Bishal Rai and Sunita Rai secured second and third positions respectively in singing, Ranjana Rai and Nisha Bhujel in dancing.
According to BRCF, altogether 40 children took part in various activities in the course of getting selected as the best star, and the competitions took almost a month for selecting the stars.
Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay has finally edited his blog profile. This is, probably, an impact of a news story run by the Bhutan News Service on August 3.
Prior to this update, the Tobgay’s blog was identifying himself as the Opposition Leader in the Parliament.
The most recent update reads, he (Tobgay) is the leader of the ruling party in the National Assembly of Bhutan.
“Tshering Tobgay is a Member of Parliament representing Sombaykha Constitutency in Haa. He is the Leader of the Ruling Party in the National Assembly of Bhutan,” reads his updated profile.
Two Bhutanese community leaders of Scranton, PA, have got a brief chance to meet and talk to President Obama and Vice-President Joe Biden Friday August 23 at around 5:30 pm in Lackawanna college . Narad Pokhrel, President and Kedar Kafley, Secretary of community organization of Scranton, entered the crowd with a three point agenda for President Obama and managed to submit it crossing the circles of security.
Narad told to BNS, “We had no plan to meet such dignitaries and thought it would not be possible to do in short time. But, I thought it would not be another chance to meet, so I gave a try with the mayor and he soon arranged two tickets for us.”
“We are Bhutanese refugees and we are proud to be here. So on behalf of Bhutanese resettled in all states of US, we like to thank the US government, I said to vice-president Joe Biden”. “He shook hands and gave a hug”, Narad was excited over the phone.
Pokhrel speaks to VPJoe Biden (Photo: Kedar Kafley)
Of the President, Narad shares, “Then I talked to the President Obama for half a minute and thanked him for bringing us here and, also requested him to see our petition. He said he will.”
The duo hand-delivered a three point petition to the presidents, which was prepared overnight by Narayan Sharma Phuyal.
It is reproduced as it is below:
Thousands of Bhutanese refugees continue languishing in the UNHCR administered camps in Nepal, the majority of whom have opted for repatriation to Bhutan and have not thus far accepted the offer of resettlement in any of the resettling countries. While UNHCR considers repatriation as the most preferred solution in refugee situations, it has not been possible so far in the case of Bhutanese refugees despite over-fifteen years of bilateral engagement between host Nepal and refugee-generating Bhutan. An international solution through resettlement sans Bhutan’s involvement has the propensity of sending a wrong message as meaning an endorsement to Bhutan’s refugee policy. We wish to take this opportunity to request you Mr. President to exercise all available diplomatic measures to urge the government of Bhutan to allow return of all willing Bhutanese refugees in Nepal’s camps and those surviving hardships outside the camps back to Bhutan.
A large portion of the total resettled Bhutanese in USA comprises of the elderly and many are semi-literate or even illiterate. Many do not have a working knowledge of the English language. While they are fighting all odds to integrate in the mainstream, they face a real and imminent difficulty to acquire US citizenship. This group has faced historical discrimination in Bhutan. We, on behalf of this group of our people, wish to request you to consider relaxing some of the procedural requirements of the citizenship qualifying test so that this unfortunate group that has been deprived of the protection of citizenship may be enabled to acquire US citizenship and live as proud citizens of this great nation in the rest of their lives.
As stated, resettlement has been a blessing to a huge population of the Bhutanese refugees. That said, it has generated an emotional problem to those families whose family members are divided across continents. While those resettled in other countries can arrange family visits, it is a huge emotional crisis for those whose family members continue to remain inside Bhutan. These families would be truly thankful if measures could be explored to help them effectuate family union by enabling them visit their family members or possibly enable permanent family reunion. We, on behalf of such families wish to request you, Mr. President to kindly explore possible solutions to these concerns bedeviling some of our community members.
My name is Hari Chamlagai. I have been working at the Catholic Charities Diocese of Charlotte here in North Carolina as an employment case aide since the beginning of 2010. I came to Charlotte as a refugee from Bhutan in March 2009. I feel privileged to share my experiences here today.
I am one among thousands of unhappy people from happy Bhutan. I am saying ‘unhappy’ for Bhutan has been famously known to the outside world as a nation of Gross National Happiness. This means the government’s claim is that all citizens in Bhutan are happy, but I am not one of them. This is because my family had to face brutal torture from the Bhutan government in early 1990s. I was an ignorant child—as young as just three years— when my parents had to flee the home country. I was ignorant to the extent that I was excited to leave my home for I thought that was a sort of an outing.
Life in refugee camps in Nepal, indeed, was very pathetic. I, along with thousand others had to survive such a situation for nearly two decades. Ironically, my ‘productive youth’s age’ was badly shaken due to miserable living conditions in the camp. When million others of my age—especially in the western countries—were gearing-up for better future career, I was simply struggling to get access to nutritious foods, better health care, pure drinking water, electricity, computer—and of course freedom. Sadly, these things turned into a stockpile of wish list for years.
The award received by the author. Photo/facebook page of Mr. Chamlagai.
My younger brother, who probably could have joined me today in this conference, lost a battle against life at the initial phase of the camp settlement near riverbanks in eastern Nepal. Lack of nutritious foods and lack of access to the better health care took his young life. Lack of better health care system did not only take the life of my brother. Hundred others—infant, children, youths, adults—you name it—lost their lives.
My dearest mother, who would smile heartily at my every success story, breathed her last at a local hospital in 2005. She was just in her early 50s. The hospital failed to treat a minor Asthma. I didn’t make it to see her while she was alive at the hospital, as I was busy preparing for my tenth grade examination, which in Nepal is considered an ‘iron gate’.
I can only imagine how thrilled she could have turned herself to know her son was among a top-five student in that ‘iron gate’ examination, if she was alive. My father later told me that she repeatedly murmured my name seconds prior she breathed her last. Here I am today, mom—trying to materialize all your shattered dreams!
While I was being raised in camps, I learned from my dad how the Royal Bhutan Army panicked him. They forced him, as is the case to other fellow citizens—to smile and sign papers stating that he was leaving the country willingly. This was, according to him, done at gunpoint. A countryside farmer, my father, told me once in camps that we had to become refugees when my parents and others demanded the basic rights—right to practice own religion, right to speak own language, right to speak freely, among others.
The offer of resettlement in the United States has dramatically revived our lost hopes and dreams. Now I don’t have to cry for hours asking money with my dad to buy gums and or a packet of noodles. Now I don’t have to wait for a year or sometimes even longer to wear new clothes. Now I don’t have to wait for the annual festivals to eat healthy and nutritious foods. Now I don’t have to worry everyday about being wake up just to find that the roof of my tent-like house would be blown-off by wind.
Vivid memories of my miserable life in camps, somehow, continue to be in my mind, as still thousands of fellow friends live there. I understand that this is healing time for many among us. And, I am trying to adjust myself to a forward-looking atmosphere here in the United States. My past experience has now completely turned into a milestone to move forward.
The freedom and opportunity in this great country has allowed me and my family to have job, build career by attending school, travel any places freely and to own the properties.
Imagine my poor camp life without job, heat and electricity, freedom, and without any properties. Now I have a job, laptop, computer, smart phone, television, car, access to healthy and nutritious foods, perhaps freedom—the list goes on. Now, I have a place to call our home; by the way, my family now owns a beautiful house. It took me almost 18 years to have this new, unexpected and better life than that of the camp.
I, along with my dad, second brother, sister-in-law and two nephews are applying for the citizenship after four months. We hope to become US citizens. I can’t wait for the sworn-in ceremony as that’s going to be a historical day in my life. I will be becoming citizen of a nation for the first time in my life—and that of the world’s most powerful and beautiful country. Wow, I can’t believe this is going to happen! Although I will be becoming US citizen soon, a question as to what mistake a three-year child did that lead Bhutan government to evict him out of the country, will continue to haunt me.
I am asked to address a question as to what advise I would give to newcomers. This is quite an interesting question. From my first hand experience as a refugee, and from the experience working with the refugee communities, I say this: they should always look forward. When possible, they should just take the opportunity, and not hesitate to start a life from bottom to top—irrespective of what they did back home. Investment in education, especially by youths, will enlighten their lives in the future.
Thanks to the United States and its citizens for the support and love towards the refugee communities.
Hari Chamlagai, recipient of the 2013 Gloria C. Trumpower Outstanding Employee Award, delivered this speech at the North Carolina Refugee 2013 Conference in Wilmington, NC today. The conference is organized by the NC Refugee Coordinating Office. Chamlagai can be reached at:[email protected].
[This is a reflection after reading the section “Southern Bhutan and its politics” from the book “Bhutan: the roar of thunder dragon,” by *Lyonpo Om Pradhan]
Author Om Pradhan was nine years old when news of the birth of Prince Jigme Singye Wangchuck reached his village Neoly in south- eastern Bhutan. Their destiny brought them together for the rest of their lives, in ups and downs. The two ruled the country with a king- minister relationship, as Akbar and Birbal of Bhutan. *Lyonpo Om Pradhan began to serve the royal government in 1969. He was awarded the red (minister level) scarf in 1977. He served as ambassador and deputy minister, too. From 1985 – 1998, he was the *Lyonpo (Minister) for Trade and Commerce of Bhutan. During 1990s, when dissident movement rose from southern Bhutan, he was the only Southern Bhutanese Minister in the cabinet. He was accused for his dead –silence when the southern Bhutanese were terrorized and evicted en-mass. In this book published 22 years after the mass eviction *Lyonpo Om Pradhan attempts to integrate the Southern Bhutanese dissident movement into the mainstream history of Bhutan. This book is a confluence of three major aspects: first, it is a history of modern Bhutan; second, it attempts to glorify the contribution of the kings; and third, it’s an autobiography of a minister who served the other two. Here, an attempt is made to extract the notion related to the dissident movement only, which is a significant section of the book.
Om’s Father J.B Pradhan was a commissioner deputed by the kings and prime ministers to settle Nepali people in southern Bhutan. The reasons were few and clear: to create a buffer population between British India and Drukpas, to protect the southern border, to clear the forest and cultivate the land, and most importantly, to pay cash tax to the government. The Nepali subject of southern Bhutan and Nepali populations in the region were supportive of Bhutan’s sovereignty and independence. Because of these sentiments and their close association with Dorji family of Kalimpong, Nepali settlers were preferred choice for Southern Bhutan. Throughout the book, there is a continuous emphasis to prove how much loyalist and royalist the southern Bhutanese were and are. The terms ‘Southern Bhutanese’, ‘ethnic Nepalis’ or ‘Lhotsampas’ are interchangeably used however, the author seems more settled with the first term. “What Bhutan is today, is due to the wisdom of the kings” is the take home message of the book. To find “What Bhutan is today” readers have to look outside the book.
The author walks on a tight rope balancing between his positions as a minister intimate to Royal family and a representative of southern Bhutanese who are generally perceived to be the dissidents. He has successfully kept himself as the most neutral force, a sincere witness and a diplomatic writer. He writes putting himself on the shoes of the representative of the southern Bhutanese, both in the country and in exile. He doesn’t hide the mistakes and the excessive handlings. He doesn’t endorse the ill-intentioned words such as Ngolops, terrorists or anti-nationals used by his fellow ministers responsible for creating and (mis) handling the “dissidents”, the term he prefers. The blame of the dissident movement of 1990s is rather directly pointed towards the real cause, the government officials, and dissident leaders.
The causes were real, giving and revoking of citizenships was intentionally mishandled by inappropriately assigned officers. One, Chief of Chirang district coerced eviction and registered the land properties into his asset. Second, a mother was shouting “Please don’t shoot. We will leave the country” (p. 178). ‘Green belt policy’ to grow trees one kilometer from the border, where the people resided most was found enthusiastically enforced. The author led the investigation. He mentions that green belt policy was an ill –conceived attempt that could potentially lead to an international uproar, even if the local dissent could be contained. The cadastral survey and census was carried out together. Without consideration of illiteracy of the people, the poor housing conditions, fragile tax receipt papers, and no proper documents, people were asked to produce in 1988 the documents of 1958 to be counted in the census and retain their citizenships. The southern Bhutanese officials in the government had to intervene and report to the King.
The author was invited to one of the meetings of southern Bhutanese officers that decided to appeal to the king on the issue of the southern Bhutan. The appeal that two royal counselors TN Rizal and BP Bhandary made to the king is included in the annex as ‘Patriotic Appeal of Southern Bhutanese to the King’. He reported to the king and left for china to lead delegation on border issues. On his return, the things had changed, dissents were open.
During the dissident movement, there was no reliable medium for the flow of information. There was no official briefing in national assembly to avoid ethnic hostilities and discrimination in their presentation. The hatred against southern Bhutanese entered the national assembly that went unchecked. Division and discrimination based on ethnicity and region was institutionalized. The speaker or others made no effort to prevent such divisive talks (p. 180).
There are sincere attempts in the book to clarify some of the propagandas that were used from both the government and the dissident sides. King’s sincere attempt to have a unique identity for southern Bhutanese, different from the Gurkhas and Nepalis was criticized on line with ethnic cleansing by the dissidents and the Nepal’s media. King had no intention of imposing a national dress; he wanted a consensus on the matter. The southern Bhutanese officials chose gho and kira instead of any unique dress they were asked to design for themselves. But on the strict imposition that followed, the author talks through a representative royal family member in an anecdote. “How would a prominent lama feel if he was suddenly asked to change into daura –suruwal?” And the royal family member answers “The old persons and bahuns from southern Bhutan must find themselves in the most awkward situation” (P. 195). The unpopular bureaucratic means of implementing well intentioned policies, made all the mistakes.
Author explains that Sikkim fear and greater Nepal threat were used to provoke sentiments against southern Bhutanese. Both propagandas had no basis and relevance to the dissident movement. The book further says Rongthong Kunley Dorji, the dissident leader from the east had little to do with the southern Bhutan. Genuine grievances were included in the petition that two royal counselors from South TN Rizal and BP Bhandari submitted to the king. The culprits were home ministry recruited unprofessional and mostly fresh census officials, who were unreasonable, harsh and humiliating.
Inside snap of the Pradhan’s book
There are ample mentions of the dissident leaders and extremist whom he calls Goongdas, but doesn’t name the latter. Author mentions that among the dissident leaders who the king missed the most was Bhim Subba. King had a high regard and great expectations from him. The day king promoted him to director general; Subba had decided to leave the country to join the dissidents. Earlier, when king knew that Subba’s brother had left the country to join the dissidents, he relayed two options through the author: either to convince him to return to the country, or if he insists ask him to join the non-criminal group of dissidents. Author also takes a subtle observation of learning Dzongkha. Southern Bhutanese officials seriously tried to learn Dzongkha. RB Basnet was ahead of Subba and Rizal. The latter two found the ethnic issue easier. Subba was influenced more by his in-laws than the king.
*Lyonpo Pradhan quotes Hari Adhikari, another national assembly member turned dissident: “the greatest loser among all the southern Bhutanese as a result of the strains between the government and the southern Bhutan, in terms of position, privilege, power and properties was *Lyonpo Om Pradhan”. He briefly mentions about other officials turned dissident leaders like DNS Dhakal and Thinley Penjore.
The author seems poorly informed about the situation in the refugee camps. He refers to phrases from the newspapers of those times. He sticks to the government’s verification of 15 to 20 % in the camp and takes for granted the verification went well as reported in the news. Readers from exile will be surprised to find him convinced that there were people in the camps who were not evicted from Bhutan. His limited knowledge of the people and activities in the exile prove his difficulties to reach them.
The book mentions that in August 2006 the US congressional delegation led by Mr Brain Baird to Thimphu negotiated to resettle the Bhutanese Refugees in United States and other western countries on humanitarian ground. It further mentions “the dissident leaders have settled in the west and have abandoned their cause” (p. 184). The citizenship of southern Bhutanese is not clear and many are under dispute. The citizenship of many southern Bhutanese in the country is still in limbo. Their former citizenship cards have not been changed. They are deprived of the privileges, rights, and duties associated with citizenship. It is resulting in a new generation of stateless residents in the country with divided loyalty and a feeling of discrimination (p. 196). Author projects southern population to be 15 to 25% of the total after relying on the government’s attitude towards accepting of southern population (P.185). The new generation of Lhotsampas and children of intermarried couples has grown up with the familiarity of Bhutanese language and culture. He suggests it is now time to once again pursue an inclusive policy to bring the southern Bhutanese into the national fold.
Overall, the author has successfully kept himself as the most neutral force, a sincere witness and a diplomatic writer. He writes putting himself on the roles of the representative of the southern Bhutanese people, both in the country and in exile. It must be the first history book about Bhutan ever written by a Bhutanese minister and one of the rare documents that corroborates the Southern Bhutanese movement as the mainstream politics of the state. The book is edited by Tashi P Wangdi. The expression and flow is consistently well maintained.
*Editor’s note: The designatory words used in the write-up have been retained based upon the insistence of the author unlike what BNS has been practicing.
[ Govinda Rizal, originally from Lodrai, Gayglegphug is one of the Contributing Editors of the Bhutan News Service. He writes about the Bhutanese people in the country and in exile, and about Bhutan’s international border. He blogs at: http://redroom.com/member/govinda-rizal ]
A two-day long inter-state soccer tournament concluded on August 11 in the Manchester Gill Stadium here in Manchester, New Hampshire.
Players in the field
The final match that was played between the Rochester Moon Light Club and Cleveland United of Ohioended with a penalty shootout of 5-2 goals enabled Rochester to be the champion of the tournament. It was a neck-to neck final game played between Rochester Moon Light Club and Cleveland United of Ohio, according to organizers.
The Bhutanese Community of New Hampshire (BCNH) organized the game under the initiation of the Youth Empowerment Club. Altogether seven matches were played between the different states where 14 teams participated the tournament.
Three teams from New york, two each from Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Vermont and Ohio, and one team from Rhode Island battled it out for two days.
The wining teams were awarded with cash and certificates, the organizer informed Bhutan News Service.
Speaking in the inauguration program, Chairperson of Organization of Bhutanese Community in America (OBCA), Hari Adhikari Bangaley, encouraged the youths to participate in different state-level tournaments. He also expressed his interest to see Bhutanese youths representing national level tournament in the days to come.
While, BCNH Executive Director Tika Acharya extended his gratitude to the players and volunteers for effective management in conducting the tournament.
“The tournament is expected to create a mutual co-operation and coordination among the youths of the different states in USA,” said Acharya.
Krishna Subba of the Rochester Moon Light Club and Dawa Lama of Peace Zone Sporting Club of Akron were selected as man of the tournament and man of the match respectively.
It was while Pingala Dhital was lying on the dirty floor of a makeshift tent, using little more than bamboo poles to brace herself in the effort of bringing another child into the world, that she realized she would never go home again.
The woman had spent nearly a decade in refugee camps scattered in Nepal after fleeing her homeland of Bhutan in 1990 with 100,000 other Nepali speakers.
Pingala Dhital (left) is a Bhutanese refugee who found hope and strength through her connection with Tsawwassen’s Barb Westlake
“The country hasn’t admitted there was a civil war,” says Dhital, now 40. “They don’t want to tell anyone.”
Nepalis had been immigrating to Bhutan since as early as 1620, settling mostly on the uninhabited southern border with India. But by the 1980s, Bhutan’s government decided not only to put a stop to the largely illegal immigration of the past three centuries, but also to expel existing Nepali-speaking people.
The Bhutanese Citizenship Act of 1985 was created to preserve the cultural majority of the north with a “One Nation One People” policy requiring all people to wear the national dress, follow an etiquette code, and speak the national language of Dzongkha.
Ethnic Nepalis were soon forced to leave the country or face severe persecution, although Dhital says the government won’t admit it.
“They say they were illegal immigrants and they left,” she says, adding most were actually forced to sign a “voluntary migration forms” stating they had left willingly.
At first, people like her father protested peacefully. But when neighbours began getting arrested they knew it was time to flee.
“I started hearing that soldiers were taking the girls out into the jungle and raping them,” says Dhital, who lived in a village of 600 people.
She escaped across the border into India with her parents and four brothers by pretending they were herding cows.
In August of 1991, the Indian government decided to relocate refugees to Nepal. Her family was rounded up with other Nepalis and taken in a bus to a desolate and windswept camp just across the border.
“I still remember the plastic flapping in the roofs of the huts,” she recalls.
Dhital began crying so loudly that her father’s friend came and hugged her and said he would take her to stay in a house nearby. The 18-year-old didn’t know how to react. Beyond feeling emotions of either happiness or sadness, she could barely bring herself to eat. She was reunited with her family a week later.
“The five days was like five years for me,” says Dhital.
The sickness and famine in the refugee camp took its toll over the next several months as thousands poured over the border.
By the time the United Nations arrived in early 1992 there were 80,000 people and Dhital recalls a funeral being held for 34 people on just one day.
At first the people were happy to eat provisions brought by the U.N. but many died suddenly and unexpectedly. Dhital said when people starve for a long time and then eat quickly the shock to the system can be fatal.
At the peak of the crisis there were 107,000 refugees split among seven refugee camps. During that time she married and had two children in the camps, which made her realize she had to find a new life for her family.
By 2005, after having been displaced for her entire life, Dhital began meeting with Nepali leaders in Kathmandu, backed by the support of Ganga Baral, another woman fighting for a resettlement program.
“On the first day I couldn’t say anything. I just cried,” recalls Dhital.
In 2006, Tsawwassen resident Barb Westlake was reading about the Bhutanese situation online. Having trekked through Asia in 1989-90 she had always harboured a fascination with the Buddhist country.
Feeling like she had to do something to help, Westlake sent an email that somehow found its way to Dhital. After learning more she began a letter writing campaign to the Canadian government to become part of the resettlement program. In 2007 Canada agreed to resettle 5,000 people over five years, and in March agreed to welcome 1,000 more.
“I don’t know if it helped or not but the girls told me it gave them strength,” says Westlake, as Dhital nods next to her.
“We were in a hopeless situation, and here is this lady in a corner of the world in Tsawwassen who is helping us,” says Dhital. “That connected us and gave us hope and courage.”
After meeting with U.N. agencies Dhital began making progress and in 2007 the U.S. government agreed to resettle 60,000 Bhutanese refugees. When Nepali-Bhutanese rebels began making threats on her life, she knew it was time to leave.
Dhital came to the U.S. in February 2008 as the first Bhutanese family under the multinational resettlement program. She landed in Spokane, Wash., but was confused because for the first three days she thought she was in the nation’s capitol.
“I asked where is the White House? And then they brought me a big map and showed me the White House is in this Washington and we were in another one.”
But her family has thrived in the U.S. since, and on May 4, Dhital and her family became official citizens.
Westlake got to see Dhital in Tsawwassen for the first time in an emotional meeting last year, and the two met again recently.
“I don’t know if we ever thought it would happen,” recalls Westlake, laughing. “And then when we met we were friends immediately,”
If Bhutan ever welcomes the Nepalis back to the country, Westlake says she would like to visit with her friend.
“She made a big difference on our life,” said Dhital. “You don’t know how much it means to us.”
Hello everyone,
Author Om Pradhan was nine years old when news of the birth of Prince Jigme Singye Wangchuck reached his village Neoly in south- eastern Bhutan. Their destiny brought them together for the rest of their lives, in ups and downs. The two ruled the country with a king- minister relationship, as Akbar and Birbal of Bhutan. *Lyonpo Om Pradhan began to serve the royal government in 1969. He was awarded the red (minister level) scarf in 1977. He served as ambassador and deputy minister, too. From 1985 – 1998, he was the *Lyonpo (Minister) for Trade and Commerce of Bhutan. During 1990s, when dissident movement rose from southern Bhutan, he was the only Southern Bhutanese Minister in the cabinet. He was accused for his dead –silence when the southern Bhutanese were terrorized and evicted en-mass. In this book published 22 years after the mass eviction *Lyonpo Om Pradhan attempts to integrate the Southern Bhutanese dissident movement into the mainstream history of Bhutan. This book is a confluence of three major aspects: first, it is a history of modern Bhutan; second, it attempts to glorify the contribution of the kings; and third, it’s an autobiography of a minister who served the other two. Here, an attempt is made to extract the notion related to the dissident movement only, which is a significant section of the book.
