Kathmandu Politics in Retrospection

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It might perhaps appear too early to say as to if the exiled movement led by RK Dorji will yield fruitful results but if his recent activities are selfless-driven, it might drive our long struggle to a good height.

Dorji, President of Druk National Congress (DNC), who was in Nepal after his extradition case was rejected by Delhi High Court, has been asked to lead the democratic struggle of exiled Bhutanese by Bhutan People’s Party (BPP), Bhutan National Democratic Party (BNDP) and Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee (BMSC). A coalition-like body has been announced, which will be led by Dorji, especially to carry on the struggle for democracy and human rights in Bhutan. Of course, the type of agreement and declaring merger of different groups and parties is not a new drift in the political movements and Bhutanese establishments are not an exception. Interestingly, the Kathmandu understanding of August 26 has drawn the attention of Bhutanese from across the globe in three folds.

Firstly, the accord fell in lime light when Dorji, the most wanted opposition leader in the Thimphu regime’s list landed in Kathmandu after receiving clean cheat from Delhi High Court.  The motion declared in favor of Dorji by the Supreme Court of India has flashed a ray of hope amid pro democracy leaders. This signal from India can be taken as a change in the position of India, the champion of democracy, towards Bhutanese political struggle.

Secondly, the setting has been forged in such a situation that the solitary concentration of International community has centered in the third country resettlement of the exiled Bhutanese en masse. Majority of the Bhutanese denizens in the refugee camps are half way through in the ongoing resettlement scheme.

Thirdly, strategically a new set up is in the offing. Of course, they haven’t term the agreement as a coalition, yet, the nature of the declaration and the statement chimes the same. Here the note worthy substance is the set up and the members’ affiliation. National Front for Democracy (NFD-Bhutan), Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee (BMSC), Bhutan National Democratic Party (BNDP) and DNC, these abbreviations reads and contain the galaxy of political leaders struggling for the common cause but never been together in any move before this. If this set up is true to what people have expected and demanded since long back, this is laudable move and an honest acceptance of peoples’ appeals by the leaders, albeit late.

The coalition partners BMSC headed by Tek Nath Rizal is known for an advisory committee for any sorts of peaceful movements, and comprise of chairpersons and representatives from different human rights groups and social organizations. NFD-Bhutan, headed by Balaram Poudel consists three political parties viz Bhutan People’s Party, Thinley Penjore-lead Druk National Congress- (Democratic) and Bhutan Gorkha National Liberation Front (BGNLF) headed by D.B. Rana Sampang and BNDP with most of its executive members in abroad headed by Dr. DNS Dhakal. Note worthy aspect of this coalition sounds comprehensive for that reason that there was close coordination between DNC and BNDP and never had accepted coalition with NFD-Bhutan. NFD-Bhutan and BMSC were working in hand to hand. This shows if the leaders work with committed consensus keeping aside their petty differences can do a lot and go ahead.

The above affirmed understanding has sparked some questions, and answers to those questions hold the truthfulness for the greater cause. In this coalition, NFD-Bhutan headed by Balaram Poudel has shown the worthy presence and which was must, yet, the absence of Thinley Penjore-led DNC-Democratic is the question of the people. And nowhere BGNLF is seen quoted in the locale. The prime concern of the people is DNC-Democratic should tell people if this is not in favor of peoples’ well fare and bring forth the alternative roadmap so that every Dick, Tom, Henry and the like would analyze the motive. People are far more educated. They are in no mood to be ‘yes Men’ cadre as were treated by the leaders in the past. If the reason for the absence of DNC-Democratic in the coalition is the presence of Dorji, this is the true indication of lust of power and position for petty interest still being guiding principle in the leaders.

This is, for sure, the time to forget the past and think collectively for the situation in the hand. If there exist other reasons, people deserve the right to information from DNC-Democratic in this regard. At equal length, this is the time where considerable number of Bhutanese people in the refugee camps are awaiting repatriation to their homestead with honor and dignity, people are being ignored by the agencies in the field of health. As a result, innocent people sacrificed their lives for no fault in their place. Hundreds of non-registered genuine Bhutanese are seen begging for alms in front of the refugee huts to solve their hand and mouth war all around the clock. The degree of frustration in the mind of people has crossed the limit. The cases of suicide are thus being reported at different times from the camps. Involvement of youths in unruly activities can never be a good news; youths lack morale education and engagement.  Hence, the joint effort from all responsible organizations is must to address and resolve the basic humanitarian problems faced by the people in the camp at the earliest. People in the camps have felt the need of representative approach so as to address their plight and the August 26 agreement has shown rare hope.

Another content of the chapter in the agreement is the office set-up of the coalition. At the present context, the issue of setting up their office in Kathmandu does not sound fruitful. Nepal is in the turmoil of unstable political move. In the past, ample approaches were made from different offices stationed in Kathmandu and could not bring any outcome. For this, New Delhi based coordinating office would add more meaning towards any future programs and Kathmandu can bear sub-office. The coalition should have two fold working strategy one based on human rights and the other for political affairs. The first move of the coalition should be to address the problem of the people in the camp as the primary deal and future strategy should be on political achievements.

Now the matter is strategy and approach and then unity with vision and mission. United Bhutanese voice from across the globe for peace and justice in Bhutan has no alternative, thus, the leaders should coin a special roadmap to lead the movement to a successful height.

(Pokhrel, who blogs at http://runapok.wordpress.com, can be reached at: [email protected])

Woman commits suicide in New York

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In less than two weeks of her resettlement in Buffalo in New York, Dhan Maya Gurung (Poudel) has committed suicide on Friday night.

Late Dhan, 30s. Photo/Indra

Reports received late from Dhan’s sister in Arizona confirmed that she committed suicide in her new temporary house in Buffalo days after her resettlement.

A permanent resident of Chirang district in Bhutan, Dhan moved to New York through resettlement program on August 17.

According to Indra, sister of the deceased, the actual reason behind the suicide is not yet known.

According to our correspondent Bhakta Ghimire in Buffalo, the funeral processing of late Gurung completed today afternoon.

Late Gurung is survived by her husband and two daughters.

Dorji continues lobby, irked group concerns

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A delegation of Bhutanese leaders led by RK Dorji has met former foreign minister and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum chairman Upendra Yadhav at the latter’s residence in a bid to lobby Nepalese leaders for the repatriation of refugees.

During the meet, Yadav said “India always chose to remain silent whenever the Government of Nepal sought its help in resolving the crisis and Bhutan is not sincere” He further added that Nepal alone can’t repatriate the refugees without the active role of India.

Yadav also committed the support of MJF to Bhutanese delegates. “Madhesi people are always with your struggle since they know who you are more importantly than our leaders in power,” Karma Duptho, who accompanied the delegation, told BNS quoting Yadav.

During the meeting, Bhutanese delegates also sought Yadav’s support and solidarity to establish their contact office in Kathmandu.

Meanwhile, the group of deregistered refugees has vehemently criticized the formation of new Bhutanese coalition led by Dorji. Terming it as another form of conspiracy, a press statement issued by the group further accused leaders of not being serious towards their problems.

The group further said that it is shameful to talk about lunching movement for repatriation by opening contact office in Kathmandu. It has also challenged the leaders to stay in camps and continue their politics if they really want to work for people.

Bhutanese regime and its art of lying

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It is an undeniable fact that most of the nations know that Bhutan is a country of immigrants, who entered into Bhutan through different time periods. However, the country itself is yet to admit this fact. Therefore, labeling citizens, whose entry into Bhutan dates back to not before the 17thcentury, as “illegal immigrants” of Bhutan is neither logical nor justifiable.

All the Bhutanese in exile, who have been dwelling in ramshackle huts in Nepal or elsewhere with hardship since two decades, are confidently ready to prove themselves to be bona-fide Bhutanese, be it in the presence of unbiased representatives from the international community. So, the question here is not how over 100,000 Bhutanese refugees prove their “Bhutanese identity”, but it should be, instead, is Bhutan prepared enough to accept them when these so-called “illegal immigrants” certify their status in the presence of international community?

Sense of cruelty: It is well agreed that Bhutan is a Buddhist nation with multi ethnicity and multiple religions. From the very beginning of the history of Bhutan, it has been continuously ruled by Buddhist rulers. However, the rulers seem to be far behind in concept of true philosophy of Buddhism, as a result of which they unleashed numerous chapters of “killing each other” mercilessly to hold supreme position. Although never mentioned in the history of Bhutan, even the re incarnations of Zhabdrung Ngawang the most famous spiritual leader of Bhutan, were assassinated from time to time to hold the power by the rulers.

The rulers, who also follow Buddhism, as commoners do, have been discriminating and suppressing other religions. A monk named Gomchen Karma from Tashigang, a follower of another sect of Buddhism Nyningmapa, was shot dead on October 27, 1997 by the district officer Lakpa Dorji and expelled many senior Buddhist monks of eastern Bhutan simply for attending a peaceful procession demanding equal rights to religions. After this incident, to appease this community and to avoid two front enmities, the regime promptly promoted Sharchop officers to the ranks of ministers. But all the ministers from other ethnic community are still under compulsion to dance to the tunes of the regime.

Crux of refugee crisis: Until late 70s, Bhutan remained as one of the poorest countries in the world. However, there existed very good relationship between the ruler and citizens. Such a relationship was, indeed, taken as an indicator of prosperity in the nation in the days to come. But that was not liked by the neighbor country which started creating melodrama, first in Sikkim and later in Darjeeling aiming at arousing Bhutan against the southern Bhutanese.  In both the issues, the Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity were projected in the front, ultimately Sikkim was annexed to India; people of Darjeeling had to be satisfied with old Hill Council and ethnic Nepali of those regions were blamed for swallowing Sikkim. Thus, the scaremonger easily motivated Bhutan to act against the southern Bhutanese of Nepali ethnicity.

The wiseacre rulers of Bhutan did not waste their time to hatch up conspiracies against the citizens of southern Bhutan, mostly Nepali-speaking people called Lhotsampas by the regime. The autocrat started executing discriminatory and suppressive policies upon the Lhotsampas targeting their culture, religion and livelihood. These people were left with no option but to request the ruler-turned-predator for institutionalizing human rights as enshrined in United Nations.

But the regime chose military crackdown on its citizens when many people were intimidated, arbitrarily arrested, tortured and murdered in jails. This is not enough. Many women were gang-raped, houses set ablaze, huge properties of the citizens destroyed and important documents were confiscated by the security forces to erase their “Bhutanese identity” permanently.

Refugee arrivals: Tragedies of Lhotsampas did not end there as the government started evicting them systematically on various pretexts. They had to enter India. Unluckily, those evicted Bhutanese were not given asylum in the first port of entry, India, rather the security forces of India motivated and even instigated them to enter Nepal. Thus Bhutanese never entered Nepal by their own will, but it was a Hobson’s choice (without options). Fortunately, Nepal was kind enough to take them on humanitarian ground and within very short time the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) came to assist these people.

Bhutan and its advisors were thinking that those Bhutanese after their eviction from their homeland would be assimilated in Indian borders as Duars and Nepal because of their similar language and ethnicity but that could not take place as they realized they and their forefathers had sweated and bled for their motherland and have remained determined to return Bhutan in days to come. To keep the ball rolling in his desired track, Bhutan even attempted to convince the Nepali authority for not granting them asylum. Probably, Bhutan wrote some letters to the UNHCR to stop its aid basket for these people. But, both couldn’t happen as expected by the Bhutanese regime. Irked with such humanitarian supports from Nepal and the UNHCR, it instead started evicting citizens en masse.

Slim hope for repatriation: With efforts of constant negotiation from Nepali side due to the international pressure, Bhutan at least accepted the presence of some Bhutanese in the UN-monitored camps in Nepal. So, in very trickery manner it proposed to categorize its own citizens in 1994. Subsequently, Khudunabari camp was verified in 2003 after forming a Joint Verification Team (JVT) with Nepal. During verification the whole show was dominated by the team from Bhutan and the verification was conducted in very deceptive manner and according to the whim of Bhutanese team. The results were amazing. Two four-year-olds, Srijana Poudyel and Ramesh Poudel, both born in camp, were categorized as “criminals” of Bhutan. Can anybody in the world tolerate such open deception? The JVT declared 293 to be forcefully evicted from Bhutan, 347 to be having criminal records in Bhutan, 8595 voluntarily migrated from Bhutan and 2948 having no link to Bhutan, could be Bhutanese whose documents were confiscated or destroyed by the security forces during military crackdown before they were evicted.

In 2003, the Bhutanese refugees, except those having no link in Bhutan, as accused by the regime, were verified to be bona-fide Bhutanese whatever the category they have fallen in. So Bhutan must take these people back to Bhutan with safety and dignity if it prefers to call it as a true democratic country where citizens enjoy their rights. The so-called democratic ruler must be brave enough to accept its mistakes if they have real faith in Buddhism and Bhutan as the last Shangri-la.

Regime’s art of lying: Even after finding all facts, Bhutan is still persistently and shamelessly campaigning in international community saying that the people in the camps in Nepal are illegal immigrants who had entered Bhutan as laborers to work in country’s first installed Chhuka Hydroelectric Project (CHEP) in early seventies. Bhutan must remember that I was deputed to this project as medical officer by the government. And, I was a doctor to sign on the medical fitness forms of those laborers coming from India and Nepal, if we accept Bhutan’s allegation. Later, in mid 80s those laborers were thrown out of the project and Bhutan, after official agreement with India. Now, Bhutan is trying to confuse the international community about the eviction of those laborers of the CHEP with the eviction of Lhotsampas since early nineties. Such persistent attitude of regime is an indication of aftermath of eviction which still looms around the remaining Bhutanese of Nepalese ethnicity in Bhutan.

Bhutan often engages itself in telling the Bhutanese refugee stalemate is a humanitarian issue but never dared say who or what caused this issue. So far, Bhutan is very lucky as it is backed by a giant neighbour and its propaganda is sellable in the market. Why Bhutan does not dare sitting across the table with the refugees and prove them “illegal immigrants” if they really are as it claims? What the refugee community hopes is Bhutan will stop telling such lies to hide the stories of injustice to its citizens and violation of human right and will start following true philosophy of Buddhism. Telling lies upon lies is unforgivable crime in front of Lord Buddha and against the principle of Shangri-la, which the present Bhutan needs to learn.

(Dr. Rai is the chairperson of Bhutanese Refugee Representative Repatriation Committee. He can be reached at: [email protected])

Source: www.nepalnews.com

रोंगथोंगको नेतृत्वप्रति आपति

चार भुटानी शरणार्थी संगठनले स्वदेश फिर्तीका लागि संयुक्तरुपमा गर्ने भनिएको आन्दोलन षड्यन्त्रको रुप भएको राहत बञ्चित पीडित भुटानी शरणार्थी समूहले आरोप लगाएको छ ।

समुहले  बिज्ञप्ति मार्फत शरणार्थीहरुको मुद्धामा कहिल्यै पनि काम नगरेका नेताहरुले काठमाडौंमा कार्यालय खोलेर आन्दोलन गर्छौं भन्नु लाजमर्दो भएको जनाएको छ । शरणार्थी आन्दोलनमा वास्तबिक सहयोग पुर्‍याउने भए शिबिरमा आएर राजनीति गर्न चुनौती दिदै सस्तो प्रचारबाजीमा नलाग्न नेताहरुलाई बिज्ञप्तिमार्फत समूहका संयोजक पौडेलले चेतावनी दिएका छन् ।

हाल बिभिन्न शरणार्थी शिबिरहरुमा ३ हजार १ सय ९० जना राहत बञ्चित शरणार्थी भोकभोकै बस्नु परेको उल्लेख गर्दै तिनीहरुको पक्षमा केहि नवोल्ने नेताहरु शरणार्थी हितको कुरा गर्लान भनेर अपेक्षा गर्नु ब्यर्थ हुने बिज्ञप्तीमा उल्लेख छ ।

डुक नेशनल कंग्रेश, भुटान पिपुल्स पार्टी, भुटान नेशनल डेमोक्रेटिक पार्टी तथा भुटानीज मुभमेण्ट स्टेरिङ कमिटीले बिहीबार काठमाडौंमा पत्रकार सम्मेलन गरी स्वदेश फिर्तीका लागि कार्यगत एकताको घोषणा गरेका थिए ।

Distribution of fire aid in Bel-I

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Bhutan Media Society, Kathamndu handed over the donations made by resettled Bhutanese and their community organisations to fire victims of Beldangi-I camp on Feb 19, 2010.

Dorji agrees to lead struggle

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President of Druk National Congress (DNC), RK Dorji, who is in Nepal after his extradition case was rejected by Delhi High Court, has been asked to lead the democratic struggle of exiled Bhutanese by Bhutan People’s Party (BPP), Bhutan National Democratic Party (BNDP) and Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee (BMSC). 

Top brass of these parties and BMSC agreed to go under the leadership of Dorji based on their crucial meeting of August 22, which Dorji has accepted.

The leaders made such an announcement Thursday during a joint press briefing organized here in Kathmandu.

Dorji expressed his hope that India would become ready to support the future imitative exiled leaders would take. “There are some green signals from Indian side for our struggle,” he explained.

RK Dorji, Tek Nath Rizal, Dr. DNS Dhakal and Balaram Poudyal (L to R) during the media briefing/Vidhyapati
RK Dorji, Tek Nath Rizal, Dr. DNS Dhakal and Balaram Poudyal (L to R) during the media briefing/Vidhyapati

He said he is happy and ready to lead the movement since other parties and organisation would always back him.
“We have strategically agreed to go under the DNC leadership,” Dr. DNS Dhakal, chief executive of BNDP expressed, “There is no option for this since DNC has a better influence inside Bhutan.”

Sharing the experiences he collected during his recent visits to the United States, he said that resettled Bhutanese are finding tough to manage their living, but their conditions are far better than what their friends and relatives have in Nepal.

“Resettlement is just a temporary solution since there is no alternative than to return to homeland with dignity and honour.”

President of BPP, Balaram Poudyal, expressed the need to adopt peaceful means in the struggle. “There is no landing with arms since Bhutan has unique geographical pattern,” he elaborated.

Interestingly, Poudyal also said that his party was unaware of Maoist party in the camp which has been reported to be fighting against the regime with arms. He sai, “I have no knowledge where do such cadres live and what they do as carried by various media.”
Poudyal also accused Bhutan of playing foul game in the name of democracy. “We never trust such a democratic system that has placed the King above the constitution.

The chairperson of BMSC, Tek Nath Rizal, expressed that India has a lead role in resolving the imbroglio. “India must understand that we have suffered due to its questionable policy to support the Bhutanese regime and oppose refugees’ initiative to repatriate.”

He also said the issue is no more a “bilateral deal” Bhutan and Nepal since exiled Bhutanese have reached to various countries through resettlement program. “This is a matter of international concern,” he told.

The leaders also demanded reparation of Bhutanese refugees through the national reconciliation.

Rai, Penjore express dissatisfaction
Chairperson of Bhutanese Refugee Repatriation Representative Committee (BRRRC), Dr. Bhampa Rai, and President of Druk National Congress – Democratic (DNC-D), Thinley Penjore, expressed their dissatisfaction over the announcement of such a common strategy without consulting to other parties and leaders in exile.

“It is, indeed, a good initiative if it is materialized,” Dr Rai told Bhutan News Service, “However, I am sad that they even didn’t ask me once though I represent a people-mandated committee.”

Relating to such a decision from some parties and BMSC in Kathmandu far from camps, he jokingly questioned, “How can shepherds decide to remain in Tshirang when their sheep are in Samtse?”

Meanwhile, Thinely said that his party has “evergreen” solidarity for Dorji considering his attachment and sacrifice.

 “However, they even did not make a call before announcing such a major event. I was just a few miles away from the place where our leaders decided to empower Dorji with such challenging task,” he said.

He also expressed his surprise over the involvement of Balaram Poudyal of BPP, who also heads National Front for Democracy Bhutan, in the strategic coalition. “We need to sit together to get his position clarified since I am unaware who gave him such a mandate,” Thinley told.

जसको घर खोसियो

दीपक अधिकारी

‘तिनीहरुले मेरो घर खोसे तर मेरो भविष्य खोस्न सक्दैनन्’ भन्ने नाराका साथ आज विश्व शरणार्थी दिवस मनाइँदैछ। यसपालिको नाराले घरबारविहीन हुन पुगेका शरणार्थीको मर्म त बोलेको छ तर उनीहरुको भविष्य आफ्नो हातमा नभई ठूला शक्ति राष्ट्र र निकायको हातमा भएको कुरा घामजत्तिकै छर्लङ्ग छ।

नेपालमा दुई दशकदेखि शरणागत भुटानी शरणार्थीलाई हेरौ‌। सन् २००८ मार्चदेखि अमेरिकाको अगुवाईमा शुरु तेस्रो देश पुनःवासका क्रममा ३१ हजारभन्दा बढी भुटानी शरणार्थीले शिविर छाडिसकेका छन्। राष्ट्रसंघीय शरणार्थी नियोग (युएनएचसिआर) ले वर्तमान विश्वको सबैभन्दा ठूलो मानवीय पुनःस्थापना भनेको उक्त प्रक्रियाले समस्याको अल्पकालीन समाधानमात्र अघि सारेको छ। आर्थिक मन्दीका कारण बेरोजगारीबाट गुजि्ररहेका अमेरिका र युरोपमा दक्षिण भुटानमा केवल खेती–किसानी जानेको पुरानो पुस्ता र दक्षिणपूर्वी नेपालका शिविरमा हुर्केको तन्नेरी पुस्ता पुगेको छ जहाँ उनीहरुसामु चार महिनापछि आफ्नै खुट्टामा उभिनुपर्ने चुनौती छ। पुनःवासकै कारण शरणार्थी परिवारमा फाटो बढेको छ भने अमेरिका सोचेजस्तो नभएको यथार्थबारे उनीहरुले त्यहाँ पुगेपछि मात्र भेउ पाउँछन्। अमेरिका पुगेका एकाध शरणार्थीबाट भएको आत्महत्याले उनीहरुले भोगेको मानसिक पीडाको संकेत दिन्छ।

विश्वमा भोकमरी, युद्ध, प्राकृतिक प्रकोप र राज्यको विभेदकारी नीतिका कारण शरणार्थी समस्या जन्मिएको हो। हिजोसम्म आफ्नो मानेको थातथलो अचानक पराई हुनपुग्छ र छिमेकी वा टाढाका देशमा अस्थायी छाप्रोमा जीवनका कहर काट्नुपर्ने हुन्छ। जीवन आफ्नो हातमा हुँदैन, अरुले दिएको मानाचामल र लगाइदिएको ओतमा जिउनुपर्ने हुन्छ। उनीहरुले या त झापा–मोरङका जस्ता शिविरमा बस्नु पर्छ या त शहरका सस्ता ठाउँमा कोठा भाडा लिएर। शरणार्थीको संख्या अहिले डेढ करोड छ। तीमध्ये आधाभन्दा बढी विकासोन्मुख देशमा छन् भने यसै वर्षदेखि पहिलोपटक शिविरमा बस्नेभन्दा शहरी शरणार्थीको संख्या बढी भएको छ। शिविरमा बस्ने शरणार्थीलाई युएनएचसिआर लगायतका संस्थाले वासस्थान, खाद्यान्न, स्वास्थ्योपचार, शिक्षा आदि उपलब्ध गराउँछन् भने शहरमा बस्ने शहरी शरणार्थी (अर्बान रेफ्युजी) लाई शरण लिएको मुलुक हेरी मासिक भत्ता (नेपालमा जनही ४ हजार पाँच सय) दिइन्छ। शहरी शरणार्थीलाई औषधोपचार र शिक्षाको समेत व्यवस्था हुन्छ। यसो हुँदाहुँदै पनि शरणार्थी इर्ष्या गर्नलायक अवस्था पक्कै होइन। बरु यो एउटा अन्त्यहीन पर्खाइ र निरीहताको पराकाष्ठा हो।

हाम्रो मुलुकले दशकौंदेखि शरणार्थीलाई वासस्थान दिँदै आएको छ। नेपालले कुनै समय अवसरको खोजीमा आफ्नै देशबाट विदेशिएकालाई आश्रय दिनुपरेको थियो/छ। केही दशकअघि बर्मा पुगेका नेपालीलाई त्यहाँको निरंकुश जुन्ता सरकारले लखेटेपछि हजारौं नेपाली घर फर्किएका थिए। ईन्द्रबहादुर राईको चर्चित कथा ‘जयमाया आफुमात्र लिखापानी आइपुगी’ ले त्यस बेलाको त्यो उठिवासलाई मार्मिक ढंगले पस्केको छ। बर्मा, पूर्वोत्तर भारत र भुटानमा काम र फराकिलो संसारको खोजीमा पुगेका नेपाली कालान्तरमा आफ्नै पुर्ख्यौली थलो फर्किन वाध्य भए।

सन् १९५९ मा चीनले तिब्बतमाथि कब्जा जमाएपछि त्यहाँका वासिन्दाले नेपाललाई भारत र अन्य देश जाने ट्रान्जिट पोइन्ट बनाए (अझै पनि बनाउँदैछन्)। हाल नेपालमा शरण लिइरहेका २० हजार तिब्बती शरणार्थीमध्ये अधिकांश यहाँ घुलमिल भइसकेका छन्। तिब्बती सबैभन्दा पुराना शरणार्थी हुन्। सन् १९८९ देखि नेपाल सरकारले तिनलाई लिन बन्द गरेको छ। तर नेपालमा शरण लिनेहरुप्रति यहाँको सरकारले सधै सहयोगी हात बढाएको छैन। पूर्वी नेपालको बिर्तामोड, झापामा शरण लिएका भुटानी नेता टेकनाथ रिजाललाई पञ्चायत सरकारले २०४६ साल मंसिरमा भुटानसमक्ष बुझाएर एउटा नराम्रो नजिर पेश गरेको थियो। त्यस्तै चीनका इस्लाम धर्मावलम्बी उइगुर शरणार्थीलाई समेत सुपुर्दगी गरिएको इतिहास छ।

भुटानी र तिब्बतीबाहेक नेपालमा दर्जन देशका शहरी शरणार्थी छन्। झण्डै तीन सयको संख्यामा रहेका ती शरणार्थी काठमाडौंमा तेस्रो देश पुनःवासको प्रतीक्षामा बस्छन्। तिनमा सोमाली, पाकिस्तानी, अफ्गानी, बर्मेली, बंगलादेशी, इराकी, नाइजेरियाली, सुडानी, श्रीलंकाली, इथियोपियाली आदि छन्। तीमध्ये सबभन्दा बढी सोमाली (करिब ७०) छन् जो गृहयुद्धमा फसेको त्यस अफ्रिकी मुलुकबाट युरोप जाने उपक्रममा मानव बेचविखन गिरोहको फन्दामा परेर नेपाल आइपुगेका हुन्। सन् २००५ को अन्त्य र २००६ को शुरुदेखि नेपाल आउन थालेका उनीहरु स्वदेश फर्किन चाहन्छन् तर सुरक्षाको कारण देखाउँदै युएनएचसिआरले त्यो प्रक्रिया अघि बढाएको छैन (हाल सोमालीलाई नेपालमा अन् अराइभल भिसा दिन बन्द गरिएपछि आउनेक्रम रोकिएको छ)। एकाध जोखिमपूर्ण र अपाङ्ग/अशक्त सोमालीलाई तेस्रो देश पुनःवास गरिएको छ। इस्लाम धर्म मान्ने उनीहरु आफ्ना पक्षमा आवाज उठाइदिने संस्था/मान्छेको अभाव भएको बताउँछन्।

नेपालमा रहेको अर्को ठूलो शहरी शरणार्थी समूह हो अहमदिया मुसलमान। झण्डै तीन दर्जनको संख्यामा रहेका अहमदिया मूलतः पाकिस्तानको पञ्जाब प्रान्तका हुन्। सन् १८३५ मा हजरत मिर्जा गुलाम अहमदले शुरु गरेको अहमदिया सम्प्रदायका सदस्य पाकिस्तान (४० लाख) र भारतमा (करिब १ लाख) छन्। पाकिस्तानको संविधानले नै उनीहरुलाई मुसलमान मानेको छैन। एक दशकअघि पञ्जाबको सियाल्कोट जिल्लास्थित एक मस्जिदमा गोली हानी पाँच अहमदियाको हत्या गरियो। उनीहरुमाथिको प्रहार अद्यापि जारी छ, गत सातामात्र पाकिस्तानको लाहोरमा उनीहरुका दुई मस्जिदमा भएको आक्रमणमा झण्डै एक सयको मृत्यु भएको थियो।

संख्यामा थोरै भएपनि नेपालले समेत शरणार्थी उत्पादन गरेको छ। खासगरी माओवादी ‘जनयुद्ध’ शुरु भएपछि सक्कली र नक्कली शरणार्थीको ओइरो नै लागेको थियो, अमेरिका र युरोपमा। युरोपका बेल्जियम, जर्मनीजस्ता देशमा माओवादीबाट पीडित र माओवादी दवैथरिले शरण लिएका छन्। हुँदाहुँदा राजतन्त्रको अन्त्यपछि समेत राजावादीहरुले आफुहरु असुरक्षित भएको भन्दै अमेरिकामा शरण लिएका छन्।

शरणार्थी समस्याको समाधानका लागि तीन विकल्प छन्, घरफिर्ती, पुनःवास र स्थानीयकरण। तर युएनएचसिआरको सन् २००९ को तथ्यांकमा आधारित ग्लोबल ट्रेण्ड रिपोर्टले विश्वमा शरणार्थी संख्या बढ्दैगएको र घर फर्कनेको संख्या घट्दैगएको जनाएको छ। गत वर्ष २ लाख ५२ हजार शरणार्थी स्वदेश फर्किएको तथ्यांक छ जुन सन् १९९० यताकै सबैभन्दा कम भएको युएनएचसिआरले जनाएको छ। आफ्नो देश र घरभन्दा प्यारो मानिसलाई अरु केही हुँदैन। यस्तो आधारभूत अधिकारबाट वञ्चित शरणार्थीहरुको समस्या चाँडै सुल्भि्कयोस्, विश्व शरणार्थी दिवसमा यही कामना गरौं।

कान्तिपुरमा प्रकाशित

नेदरल्याण्डसमा नव आगन्तुकलाई स्वागत

भूटनिस कम्युनिटी इन् नेदरल्याण्डस ((बीसीएन) ले पुनस्थापना अन्तर्गत यहाँ आइपुगेका भूटानीहरुलाई एउटा सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम मार्फत स्वागत गरेको छ ।

कलाकर्मी आफ्नो प्रस्तुति देखाउदै ।
कलाकर्मी आफ्नो प्रस्तुति देखाउदै ।

कार्यक्रम आयोजकले  दिएको जानकारी अनुसार समारोहमा आफ्नो मौलिकता झल्कने विभिन्न गीत र नृत्यहरु प्रस्तुत गरिएका थिए । उक्त कार्यक्रममा नेदरल्यान्ड्समा बसोबास गर्ने भूटानी समुदायका करिब ३० जना कलाकर्मीले आफ्नो प्रस्तुति देखाएका थिए ।

बीसीएनले कलाकर्मीहरुलाई उपहार स्वरूप मायाको चिनो समेत वितरण गरेको आयोजक पक्षले जनाएको छ ।

Finance ministers of SAARC to meet

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Finance ministers of the eight SAARC nations will be attending a conference due to be held in Thimphu from August 24.

The conference will draw guidelines for the recently operationalised SAARC Development Fund (SDF), discuss implementation of the South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) and regional connectivity projects, among others.

Another major item on the agenda is finalising the basic guidelines of the SDF and its funding modalities. The issue of increasing the current size of the SDF capital of US$ 300 million will also de discussed.

So far, only India and Bhutan have contributed to the SDF. India has chipped in another US$ 100 million as a voluntary contribution for social development programs.

The SDF was launched at the 16th SAARC summit back in April with the aim of assisting social, economic and infrastructure growth of the member nations. Currently, the only social window of the SDF is in operation with projects like poverty alleviation and child and maternity health. The conference will also discuss financial issues related to the road-map of the SAARC Economic Union and regional capital market.