In a sign of deepening bilateral ties, Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley arrived in India Thursday on a three-day visit during which he will hold talks with the top leadership on hydro-electric projects among other issues, reports PTI.
Prime Minister Thinley being received in New Delhi(Picture courtesy: BBS)
The Prime Minister is being accompanied by Minister in-charge of Foreign Affairs Khandu Wangchuk, Foreign Secretary Yeshey Dorji and other officials, a statement of the Ministry of External Affairs said.
While in India, PM Thinley will call on the President Pranab Mukherjee and Vice-President Hamid Ansari. He will also meet with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Finance Minister P Chidambaram, according to the Ministry.
“Among various bilateral and regional issues that are likely to be discussed, hydro-electric projects would be one of the main areas of focus.”
During recent visit of the Indian Foreign Minister Salman Khurshid, India had assured Bhutan that it will continue to finance the hydro-electric projects in that “very special” country despite 2012-13 “not” being the best year as far as its own budget was concerned, added PTI.
This may surprise many readers, but it is a reality. Basudev Mishra, who holds a doctorate degree from India’s prestigious university, Sampurananda, has been teaching Nepali language to secondary level students in Tri-Ratna Secondary School for several years.
Dr Basudev Mishra
He has his own version of serving children, and says he is proud to polish young minds in the community than trying for better arenas outside the camp. As regards to degrading education standard in the camps, Dr Mishra held the compelling camp situation responsible of contributing towards the decline in education.
He said, “It is neither the faults of students, nor of the teachers. It is all due to the current situation that has transformed minds of our children.” Vidhyapati Mishra of the Bhutan News Service has talked to him in this aspect.
After the southern Bhutanese problem in 1990 and demand of Democracy and Human Rights emanated from the discriminatory ethnic cleansing policy of the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGOB) led by the fourth king Jigme Singye Wangchuk and forcefully evicting 110,000 Lhotsampas arbitrarily depriving nationality and citizenship though living in Bhutan for generations, the 100 year old absolute monarchy relented to constitutional monarchy in 2008. The king Jigme Singye Wangchuk even abdicated the throne to his eldest son Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk and officially enthroned on 6th November 2008 as fifth king of Bhutan. The abdication was taken as philanthropic and generosity of the king Jigme Singye Wangchuk and not power thirsty by the International community and people of Bhutan considered Democracy as a gift from the fourth King notwithstanding that it was over due in 1993 itself as declared by the king that he would abdicate the throne if he could not solve the southern Bhutanese problem by that time and the result of struggle and the sacrifice of southern Bhutanese. He dragged on till 2007 and the southern Bhutanese problem specifically the Bhutanese refugees’ problem remained unresolved then.
To smoother his guilt of crime against humanity and divert the attention of International community pressurizing on repatriating the Bhutanese refugees to their own homesteads in Bhutan, the democracy was floated. A constitution drafting committee was formed in 2006. The much awaited country’s constitution was drafted but vesting sacro sanct power to the king and empowering the democratic government to execute just the development plans. On the other side, RGOB adopted a strategy to lobby the International community in the name of democracy that if it had to repatriate the Refugees from the camp, the very foundation of the Democracy would be shaken and there would be question of survival of the fledgling democracy as Refugees in the camps are politically conscious and motivated and which the gullible International community believed hypocrite Bhutan government. Further, taking advantage of the gullible International community, went ahead to allege with its fear psychosis that the southern Bhutanese of Nepali speaking would swamp up the northern Bhutanese and make Bhutan a Sikkim like situation fully knowing that who was the main person to merge Sikkim with India and why?
The unstable government in Nepal, continuous political imbroglio, weak diplomatic dealings with Bhutan government coupled with lack of charismatic central Bhutanese Refugee leadership and disunity was propitious moment for International community to look for other alternative to resolve the protracted refugee problem on humanitarian ground as continuous assistance to 110,000 refugees indefinitely was becoming difficult as there was growing donor fatigue. Meanwhile, the International community, especially the US wanted to fish out of the trouble water with Bhutan at the cost of Refugees’ right to return. It bargained with RGOB to take the Bhutanese refugees for resettlement in lieu of establishment of permanent American Embassy in Bhutan, which of course yet not materialized. Bhutan agreed in alacrity. Eight countries namely, the USA, UK, Denmark, Netherlands, Norway, Canada, Australia and New Zealand formed a core group for accepting refugees. The ongoing third country resettlement program then began in 2008. Till date more than 75000 refugees are resettled. The USA agreed to take the highest number of refugees. The eight core countries besides humanitarian resolution of the Bhutanese refugees concomitantly endorsed the systematic ethnic cleansing policy of the fourth king Jigme Singye Wangchuk, the perpetrator and thus given clean chit to crime against humanity. It can be further substantiated by their silence on issue of repatriation and the right to return of the willing refugees and not accepting resettlement. The resettlement is left to the refugees as Hobson’s choice instead of side by side executing the other two options of repatriation and local assimilation that was initial assurance pronounced by UNHCR and the core countries. Not only that, despite our incessant apprise of the pathetic situation of refugees’ relatives still living in Bhutan and Tibetan refugees without nationality and citizenship in various census category of Bhutan, deprived from government facilities and taking part in much hyped democracy and right to vote, the International community that espouse human rights and democracy in the world are quiet. There are about known 80,000 southern Bhutanese and about 5000 Tibetans, virtually stateless still in Bhutan. It is a wonder to see the International community, especially the eight core countries so apathetic and prejudicial to southern Bhutanese and what inhibits the International community to speak about those suppress, oppress, voiceless and helpless people while they make much ado on issue of Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Libya et al.
The Democracy in Bhutan is just an eyewash to the International community. In fact the rein of power is in the hand of the king remotely controlled by the fifth king Jigme Singye Wangchuk as all the political parties’ first pledge to serve the kings and then the country and the people. The king has established welfare office parallel to district administration in different part of the country to look after the welfare of the people. There is king’s relief fund for welfare of the people but no prime minister’s relief fund as in other democratic country. There are five political parties registered for the coming parliamentary election that would be held in June/July 2013 as the fifth year term of the ruling government will be over by April 2013. Although three new parties are registered and in the election fray, the Election Commission had already issued standing order notice restricting people assembling, hold mass meeting, perform religious ceremonies, funeral rites and celebrate mass marriage. Not to discuss politics in open for early campaign.
Besides development activities, the interesting thing, there is no mention in their manifestoes of crucial, serious and sensitive national problem of southern Bhutanese including the refugee problem. Yet, the very southern districts are considered strategically very important to all five political parties. The omission indicates that how concern are the political parties on the national issue and to what extent they are inhibited by the government policy to speak about the southern Bhutanese problem and their welfare and resolution of the manifesting problem through rapprochement and national reconciliation. The media in Bhutan are restricted to write mostly the government version and anything serious especially in favor of the southern Bhutanese and their human right violation invites reprimand or action by the government. Some websites critical of government policies are being censored. No outside media are allowed unless invited inside Bhutan that would expose the government misdemeanors. Therefore Democracy in Bhutan is exclusive, rhetoric and functions with a rider.
The opinions expressed here are the writer’s personal view, and doesn’t officially represent the Bhutan News Service. The writer chairs Human Rights Organizations of Bhutan (HUROB), and can be contacted at [email protected]
अष्ट्रेलियाको सिड्नीस्थित भूटानी समाजले २६ जनवरीका दिन एउटा विशेष कार्यक्रमको आयोजना गरी अष्ट्रेलिया दिवस मनाएको छ ।
ब्ल्याकटाउनको अल्फा पार्कस्थित काउन्सिलको भवनमा सम्पन्न उक्त कार्यक्रममा समसामयिक छलफल, साहित्यिक प्रतिष्पर्धा र सांगीतिक प्रस्तुति समावेश गरिएको थियो।
आयोजक एसोसिएसन अफ भूटनिज इन अष्ट्रेलिया (सिड्नी) का अनुसार स-साना भूटानी वालवालिका तथा युवा समूहलाई नेपाली भाषा र साहित्यप्रति अभिरुची जगाउने र मातृभाषा नै आफ्नो पहिचान हो भन्ने सन्देश दिने उद्देश्यले उक्त कार्यक्रमको आयोजना गरिएको हो।
कार्यक्रममा नेपाली कविता र गजल विधामा प्रतिस्पर्धा गराइएको थियो जसमा कविता विधातर्फ हेमन्ता आचार्य प्रथम, डिल्लीमाया गौतम (भण्डारी) द्वितीय, गोमा आचार्य तृतीय तथा नारायण धिमालले सान्त्वना पुरस्कार प्राप्त गरे भने गजल विधातर्फ गोपाल तिम्सिनाले प्रथम र टेक गौतमले द्वितीय पुरस्कार हात पारे ।
संगठनका अध्यक्ष डा. ओम ढुङ्गेलको सभापतित्व तथा प्रसिद्ध लेखक डा. खगेन्द्र शर्माको प्रमुख आतिथ्यमा सम्पन्न कार्यक्रममा सहभागीहरुलाई सम्बोधन गर्दै संगठनका भू.पू. अध्यक्ष श्री ओम ढुङ्गेलले अष्ट्रेलियामा बसोबास गर्ने जो कसैले २६ जनवरीको महत्व बुझ्नुपर्ने तथा सामाजिक सेवा,सद्भाव,मैत्रीपूर्ण सम्बन्धलाई जोगाउनु पर्ने विचार राखे।
कार्यक्रममा कमला आचार्यले ‘मै राम्री भैंछु रे’….गीतको बोलमा एकल नृत्य प्रस्तुत गरेकी थिइन् भने स-साना वालिकाहरुले ‘जुन त लाग्यो ताराले’..गीतमा सामुहिक नृत्य प्रदर्शन गरेका थिए।
The Bhutanomics.com has accused the country’s ISP, Druknet, of blocking the site from browsing inside the country.
A banner from the Bhutanomics.com
According to the website, internet users of the Druknet have no access to the website contents from Bhutan. However, those using internet of privately operated ISPs – Tashi and Samden – are able to browse the site.
“Inability to view our website only through Druknet confirms the fact that we are banned. The government has no control over Tashi and Samden,” the Bhutanomics pointed out, referring to two of three private ISPs in the country.
However, both the Druknet General Manager Tshering Norbu and Media Officer of Bhutan InfoComm and Media Authority, Lakshuman Chhetri, have denied of blocking the site.
Currently, the website cannot be accessed by Druknet users in Thimphu and other districts. But, it is accessible through proxy websites, social media and by users using private ISP connections. The website is also accessible abroad.
The site came into existence from last year and is “anonymously funded and run independently by a group of freelance writers”.
Previous, there were even claims that a group loyal to K5, Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk, was operating the website.
According to the government’s mouthpiece, Kuensel, Druknet attempted to block pornography websites but high costs and bypass methods caused the ISP to abandon the effort.
In 2007, BICMA attempted blocking the BhutanTimes website, but abandoned the effort shortly thereafter.
Druk Chirwang Tshogpa has just been granted registration as a political party. To all our ancestors – the many magnificent men and women who have shaped Bhutan and moved on; to all our sisters, brothers, children and parents – the humble, hardworking and uncomplaining citizens who toil to keep us strong; and to all the wonderful Bhutanese who will form our future generations, I promise this:
Lily Wangchuk (Picture courtesy : Her Facebook)
Druk Chirwang Tshogpa comes ONLY to take Bhutan forward. Druk Chirwang Tshogpa comes ONLY to wipe the tears of every Bhutanese so we may be a truly happy nation. Druk Chirwang Tshogpa comes ONLY so Bhutan may be a nation worth emulating in the comity of nations. So that when other nations look at us, they see not the small boundaries of our country but the limitless generosity of our citizens. They see the strength of our simplicity; they see the vision of our mind that keeps us vibrant economically. And they see a Bhutan in their hearts – wherever they may be in this world – that they want in their own countries. It is for THIS and for this ALONE that the Druk Chirwang Tshogpa comes. But the Druk Chirwang Tshogpa will not do all this by itself. It will do so with every single Bhutanese. It will do so because the goodwill and the blessings of every single Bhutanese will be with it.
It is possible that future generations will judge this to be a historic moment. They might say a party was born that judges its own progress by the progress of the nation, a party was born that just justifies its existence by its open door philosophy where the humblest of Bhutanese will find an ear that shall listen and a hand that shall comfort. A party that believes that the number of seats it wins is merely a mandate to work harder and not the fruits of power to enjoy for itself.
That is for historians to judge. For us, as we welcome Druk Chirwang Tshogpa into this world, we know what each one of us has already conquered to reach here. Bhutan is a nascent democracy. We are only now learning how to open ourselves up to the wisdom of our citizens in ballot boxes; we are only now learning to be political parties that shall be assessed not by themselves but by others. We are only now learning to be OF THE PEOPLE, BY THE PEOPLE, FOR THE PEOPLE.
The first year in anyone’s life is one of celebration. And so it was with our own first democratic election. We had joy because we had a government. We may not have expected too much from them because they were the first, after all. But from the second year on comes judgment in anyone’s life. In a few months, we shall have our second election. This is when choices will be made.
Words will be weighed; actions shall be tested. For, we Bhutanese know better now. So what shall we judge? How shall we generate trust? Druk Chirwang Tshogpa makes no claim that its members shall serve. We have reached this moment only by making service a habit. Druk Chirwang Tshogpa shall not glorify what it does without a thought. We, on the contrary, expect fellow political parties also to make a habit of serving others and not seeking applause for it.
Druk Chirwang Tshogpa believes that glory for Bhutan is when our brothers support and work for the betterment of all our sisters. Glory for Bhutan is when our youth is actively involved and has gainful work so they become influential thinkers, economists, musicians, sportspeople, cinema artistes, politicians, journalists, doctors, engineers, lawyers, entrepreneurs, members of Civil Society – and above all great men and women. Glory for Bhutan is when we do not forsake old friends who have stood by us even as we welcome other nations as new allies. Glory for Bhutan is when we wake at night so the needy may sleep. Glory for Bhutan is when no Bhutanese is left behind, no matter how far away from Thimphu they may live. Glory for Bhutan is when all Bhutanese have the freedom to follow their beliefs and work for the common good – in the best capacity they can.
To all this, Druk Chirwang Tshogpa commits itself. I am fortunate to have a large family of Bhutanese with me at Druk Chirwang Tshogpa who are all people of high skill and honour. We shall give our time, labour, integrity and ability in the service of Bhutan. May Bhutan rise even more and take her place as a thought leader in the fellowship of nations.
What do Burma and Bhutan have in common? They are the two Asian countries that have imposed democracy from above not long ago. Both are Buddhist nations. Burma turned democratic in March 2010 with the general election that was rigged and widely condemned. However, a quick remedy—an open and verified by-election in April 2011—has helped Burma paved the way to democracy. Since then the country has embarked on dramatic political and economic reforms that took the global community by surprise. It used to be one the world’s most disreputable rogue states. Now it has turned its status around from zero to hero although some serious problems remain related to human rights and fierce fighting with key minority groups.
On the other side of India’s Assam region from Burma lies Bhutan. The kingdom, known as Shangri-La to the outside world, moved away from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional one in 2008, when the first election was held to choose a new government. Before the democracy actually came, the popular monarch began numerous education programs to raise understanding and awareness of new political developments, especially the duties and responsibilities of Bhutanese citizens. Bhutan’s democratic transformation is the world’s smoothest without any of the bloodletting often witnessed in other emerging democracies around the world.
Burma has now become a rather exceptional case in the annals of democratic development when it comes to top-down democracy. Naypyidaw calls its political system “disciplined democracy,” with strong guidance from the state apparatus, especially the military, which comprises 25 percent of the national and regional parliaments in the country.
So far, the economic and political reforms have gone in tandem—a rare practice in this part of world. Most reforms are mainly on economic liberalization. For instance, three decades ago both Vietnam and Laos adopted market-oriented policies to improve their moribund economies. Political reforms in both countries have been sluggish. Burma, which began economic and political reforms two years ago, has made tangible progress on the civil rights issues that both Vietnam and Laos have been avoiding so far. Last year, it set up a national human right commission, freed up the media and recognized the role of civil society organizations.
In a similar vein, Bhutan has been unprecedented when it comes to top-down democracy. Now Bhutan is playing a high-profile role in promoting the idea of using Gross National Happiness (GNH) as an index to measure the well being of a country instead of wealth alone. Former King Jigme Wangchung Namgyal was the person who thought of this concept some three decades ago. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Jigme Thinley, Bhutan promoted this idea at the United Nations in 2012. The GNH has now been picked up and discussed around the world, especially among leading economists such as Jeffrey Sachs and Joseph Stiglitz.
The first five years of Bhutan’s top-down democratic experiment have gone through numerous successes and errors. A new general election has been slated for June with the new faces of young politicians. Bhutanese-style democracy began with only two parties comprised of senior and junior civil servant officials. Now three additional parties have registered and will contest in the election. All parties are now learning the dos and don’ts of political campaigning with economic and social platforms. The candidates, both veterans and rookies, are using a small but vibrant local media, especially daily and weekly newspapers, to reach urban and rural voters. Radios and TVs are popular means. But given the country’s high and mountainous terrain, the six radio stations are doing their best to add more political news. The Bhutan Public Service remains the only station to provide political aspirants with air time to express their views and engage in debates.
Consequently, both countries have continuously taken dramatic reforms to deepen their style of democracy. Foreign assistance in terms of capacity building and human resource development has played an important role in promoting and improving their democratic institutions. Both countries want international acceptance and to join in the wave of democratization throughout the world. The jury is still out on whether top-down democracy as opposed to bottom-up democracy will be able to bring about the kind of benefits and freedoms seen in liberal democracies.
AFTER 17 years in a Nepalese refugee camp, life in Moonah is finally very good for Bhutanese family the Khatiwadas.
AT HOME: The Khatiwada family, from left, Keshab, Bhim Bahadu, Laxmi, Dhiren and Swastika, holding her son Anup (Picture courtesy: KIM EISZELE)
Patriarch Bhim Bahadu Khatiwada, wife Laxmi, sons Dhiren and Keshab, daughter-in-law Swastika and grandson Anup, 2, became proud Australians at the Glenorchy Australia Day citizenship ceremony yesterday.
Mr and Mrs Khatiwada spent 17 years in a refugee camp after fleeing Bhutan as political refugees.
Son Keshab was born in the camp.
West Hobart Centacare volunteer Dorelle Lancaster, who has formed a very close relationship with the family, said it was customary for Bhutanese to live together.
“They don’t leave their parents, they get on so well together, they are so happy,” Ms Lancaster said.
Mr Khatiwada and son Dhiren work as carers in nursing homes, Mrs Khatiwada works at the Hotel Grand Chancellor, Swastika, called Swashi, works as an interpreter and Keshab is a college student.
The family has been in Tasmania for three years and is paying off its home and a car.
The family eats Bhutanese food and has no trouble sourcing ingredients.
Dhiren’s favourite things about Tasmania were “the weather and the people”.
The ongoing third country resettlement process has led to a 70 percent decline in the number of exiled Bhutanese dwelling in UN-funded refugee camps of Jhapa and Morang.
Exiled Bhutanese at ‘Runche Chowk’ in Beldangi-II (Picture: Vidhyapati Mishra/BNS)
When the resettlement program begun in early 2008, there were around 10,8000 individuals in six camps of Jhapa, and the seventh camp in Sanischare of Morang.
Currently, three Beldangi and Sanischare camps just hold 40971 persons, with around 300-400 leaving for various western counties every week.
The latest resettlement statistics as of January this revealed that 75, 275 persons have already opted resettlement. Of them, the United States has accepted 63,546 alone.
Settlement figures in other countries included Canada(5,311), Australia(3,838), Denmark(741), New Zealand(710), Norway(546), Netherlands(326) and the United Kingdom(257).
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which has been overseeing the resettlement program, 30, 933 out of the remaining camp population have applied for resettlement and are being processed.
