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डायस्पोरामा भाषिक आन्दोलनको उद्बोधन – एक तुलनात्मक चर्चा

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June 25, 2016

डायस्पोरामा भाषिक आन्दोलनको उद्बोधन – एक तुलनात्मक चर्चा

डा.लक्ष्मीनारायण ढकाल केन्टकी, अमेरिका

संसारमा भाषा वैज्ञानिकहरुका मतमा लगभग ३००० भाषाहरु बोलिन्छन् । यी भाषाहरु कुनै पूर्ण रूपमा, कुनै आंशिक रूपमा त कुनै लिखित रूपमा मात्र पनि अस्तित्वमा छन् भने कतिपय भाषाहरु विलयपछि पुन: उदय भएर वर्तमानमा एक राजभाषाका रूपमा प्रतिष्ठित भएको पाइन्छ ।

यहाँ वर्तमानमा हामी भूटानी मूलका नेपाली भाषीहरुको पुनर्वासपछि आउँदै गरेको भाषिक सङ्कटले मलाई जेरुसेलम पुर्यायो । पुनर्वासपछि जुन जुन देशमा हामी स्थापित हुन पुग्यौं या हुँदैछौं स्थानीय भाषा संस्कृतिको प्रभाव र भाषा अध्ययन अध्यापनको कुनै ठोस प्रबन्ध हुन नसेकाले हाम्रो मातृभाषा लोप हुने दिशातिर द्रुतगतिले अघि बढ्दैछ । यद्यपि धेरैजसो मस्तिष्कहरुमा यस भाषालाई जोगाउन प्रयास गर्नु पर्दछ भन्ने सोच भएता पनि, केही स्थानहरुमा छिटफुट साप्ताहिक रूपमा भाषाकक्षाहरु आयोजन हुन थालेका भए पनि समग्रमा हेर्दा अनेक समस्या र जनचासोको कमीका कारणले पुनर्वास आरम्भ भएका सातौँ वर्ष वितिसक्दा पनि हामी सङ्गठित रूपमा यस दिशामा अघि बढ्न नसक्नु दुर्भाग्य हो | फलत: भाषा-संस्कृति द्रुतगतिले अन्धकारका सतहतिर लम्किँदैछ । यस परिस्थितिमा मेरो व्यथित मनले दुनियाँका मानचित्रबाट लोप भैसकेको भाषालाई मात्र एक व्यक्तिका महान् संकल्पले संसारमा पुनर्स्थापित गराई राजभाषाका रूपमा प्रतिष्ठित गराउन सफल भएको इतिहासलाई चर्चा गर्न समसामयिक र अत्यावश्यक लाग्यो ता कि यो लेख पढेर जनचेतनाको सञ्चार हुन सकोस् ।

विश्व मानचित्रमा इजरायल देशसँग हामी सबै परिचित नै छौँ । यो द्वितीय विश्वयुद्धपछि १९४८ मा विश्व भरमा फैलिएका यहूदिहरुलाई पुनर्वास गराउनका निम्ति निर्मित देश हो। आज यस देशको मुख्य राजभाषा हिब्रू छ र अन्य सहयोगी भाषाका रूपमा अङ्ग्रेजी एवं अरबी भाषा प्रयोग भएको पाइन्छ । अङ्ग्रेजी र अरबी भाषा आज विश्वका अनेक देशहरूमा बोलिन्छन् । हिब्रू भाषा आरम्भमा यहूदीहरुको बोलचालको भाषा थियो तर अन्य भाषी शासकहरुका आक्रमणले यो भाषा दुनियाका मानचित्रबाट एकपटक लुप्त भैसकेको थ्यो । लगभग २००० वर्षजति ग्रन्थमा मात्र सीमित भएर रहेको भएता पनि यो भाषा, भाषा प्रेमी तथा बलिदानी सपूतहरुका सत्प्रयासका कारण आज जीवित मात्र नभएर पुन: एक राजभाषाका रूपमा प्रतिष्ठित भएकोछ । यो इतिहास दर्दनाक अनि कारुणिक मात्र नभएर भाषाप्रेमीहरुका या भाषा रोगीहरुका लागि प्रेरणादायी त छँदैछ, लिन सके एक अमोघऔषधी पनि हुनसक्ने अनुमान मेरो छ । भाषा पुनर्जागरणको यो महाअभियान भूटानी डायस्पोरामा अत्यन्त सान्दर्भिक र समसामयिक पनि देखिन्छ ।

ज्ञातव्य के छ भने यस महान् कार्यको श्रेय मात्र एक व्यक्तिलाई जान्छ । हो मात्र एक व्यक्तिको सत्संकल्प, ध्येयसाधना र कठोर परिश्रमको प्रतिफल हो हिब्रु भाषाको पुनर्प्रतिष्ठापन इजरायलमा । यदि व्यक्तिले आफ्नो लक्ष्यलाई गति दिन निरन्तर अभ्यास गरेमा संसारका कुनै कार्यमा लक्ष्य सन्धान गर्न असम्भव छैन, यदि त्यस व्यक्तिमा अनुसाशनात्मक स्वाभिमानका साथ सत्संकल्प र अदम्य इच्छाशक्ति छ भने । त्यस्तो महान् इच्छाशक्ति भएका र कठोर साधाना गर्ने संकल्प लिएर निरन्तर लागिपर्ने व्यक्ति वर्तमान इजरायलका यहूदी जातिका हिब्रूभाषी व्यक्ति थिए “एलिज़र बेन यहूदा”। यो नाम आज दुनियामा भाषाका इतिहासमा स्वर्ण अक्षरले लेखिएको छ । यहाँ हिब्रू भाषा लोप भएपछि पुन: यसको कसरी उदय भयो र त्यति महत्वपूर्ण भाषाका रुपमा कसरी स्थापित भयो भन्ने बारे सङ्क्षिप्त प्रस्तुति जरुरी छ । त्यसैले सर्वप्रथम यस भाषाको परिचयलाई केलाउँन सान्दर्भिक हुनेछ ।

हिब्रु भाषा र संस्कृत भाषाको तुलनात्मक अध्ययन गर्दा विकास विलय र पुन: उदयका धाराप्रवाह शृंखलाहरु फेला पर्दछन् । संस्कृत भाषा भारतमा वैदिक कालदेखि लिएर विक्रमको प्रथम शताब्दीसम्म बोलचालको माध्यम भएको पाइन्छ । राजा भोजले आफ्नो सारथीसँग गरेको संवादले त्यतिबेलासम्म संस्कृत भाषा सामान्य बोलचालको भाषा रहेको किम्बदन्तीहरु संस्कृत साहित्य तथा इतिहासमा प्रशस्त मात्रामा पाइन्छन् । यद्यपि गौतम बुद्धले आफ्नो धर्मोपदेश पालि भाषामा दिएकाले, पालिभाषाले विकाश पाइसकेको भएता पनि संस्कृत भाषा पुस्तकीय लेखनको भाषा त छँदैथ्यो, बोलचालका रूपमा पनि कतै कतै प्रचलित नै थ्यो । बिस्तारै भारतमा अन्य मत-मतावलम्बी र अन्य भाषी व्यक्तिहरूको आधिपत्य हुन थालेपछि पूर्ण रुपमा बोलचालबाट संस्कृत पुस्तकमा पुगेर थन्कियो । अन्य भषामा अनुवाद गरेर संस्कृतलाई पढाउन थालियो भने लगभग दुई हजार वर्षपछि आजभन्दा ३५ वर्ष पूर्वदेखि भाषाका लागि समर्पित संस्था “संस्कृत भारती”का अथक प्रयासले पुन: संस्कृत भाषा बोलचालका रूपमा पुनर्स्थापित हुँदै वर्तमानमा धेरै व्यक्तिहरूको मातृभाषा बन्न थालेकोछ । आज भारतमा धेरै गाउँहरू छन् जसलाई “संस्कृत ग्राम” भनेर चिनिने गरिन्छ, जहाँ मात्र संस्कृत बोलिन्छ । यस अभियानको प्रत्यक्षदर्शी मात्र नभएर केही समयसम्म यस अभियानको सहयात्रीका रूपमा आफू पनि संलग्न भएको हुँदा यस पंक्तिकारले भाषा सम्बन्धित धेर थोर अनुभव बटुल्ने अवसर पाएको थियो । यस अभियानको पाठ्यक्रम मात्र दश दिनमा व्यक्तिलाई सामान्य संस्कृत बोल्न समर्थ गराउन सक्षम छ । म पनि एक शिक्षक कार्यकर्ता हुने अवसर पाएकाले र त्यस आन्दोलनको प्रत्यक्ष अनुभव थाहा भएकाले भाषाको मर्म र व्यथाले मेरो मन व्यथित हुनु अस्वाभाविक होइन ।

मलाई आज हजारौँ भारतीय बन्धुहरुसंगका ती संस्मरणहरु याद आउँछन् जतिवेला विद्यार्थी छँदा-छँदै पनि म उनीहरूको भाषा शिक्षक बन्ने सुन्दर अवसर पाएको थिएँ । मबाट संस्कृत विषय होइन, भाषा पढेका कम्तीमा पनि दश हजार विद्यार्थीहरू होलान् जो कतिपय आज पनि मसँग संस्कृतमा नै धारा-प्रवाह वार्तालाप गर्दछन् भने कति छिटपुटरुपमा त कति समयको प्रवाहसँगै बिलाए । मैँले यहाँ मेरो आफ्नो गुणगान गर्न कदापि खोजेको होइन, अपितु अनुभव साट्ने प्रयास गरेको हुँ । भाषिक आन्दोलनको एक प्रत्यक्ष सहभागी भएको हुनाले र यहाँ प्रासांगीक देखिएको हुनाने मात्र उल्लेख गरेको हुँ । अर्को कटुसत्य वर्तमानमा मेरो आफ्नै मातृभाषा मेरै छोरा-छोरीहरुबाट टाढिएको अवस्था आउँछ भन्ने कल्पना त्यतिबेला मैँले पनि गरेको थिइन, जुन व्यथाले आज हामी लाखौँ व्यक्ति ग्रसित छौँ । यति हुँदा हुँदै पनि सामाजिक रूपमा भाषा कक्षाहरु सञ्चालन गर्न या समयदान दिन नसक्नु मेरो आफ्नै बाध्यता छ । मलाई लाग्छ मेरो बाध्यता र तपाईँको बाध्यता समान प्रकृतिको नहुन पनि सक्छ तर यी बाध्यताहरुलाई चिर्न हामीले एकजुट सामूहिक प्रयास नगरी अर्को विकल्प छैन ।

हिब्रु भाषाको पनि कहानी यस्तै नै छ जस्तो संस्कृतको छ । अनि अब नेपाली इतर भाषी क्षेत्रहरूमा नेपाली भाषाको पनि अवस्था त्यस्तै हुँदैन होला भन्न सकिँदैन जुन अवस्था उत्तर वैदिक कालको संस्कृत भाषाको र इसा पूर्व ५५८ देखि सन् १८५८ सम्म हिब्रु भाषाको अवस्था रहेको थियो । लगभग इसा पूर्व ५८६ देखि पछि त्यो भूभागमा हिब्रू भाषा पनि विभिन्न कारणहरूले गर्दा मात्र पुस्तकीय भाषामा सीमित हुन पुगेको थियो । यो भाषा लुप्त हुनुमा मुख्य कारण तात्कालीन राजनीति नै थियो । त्यतिबेला इजरायलमा फारस (वर्तमान ईरान) साम्राज्यको विस्तार हुँदै जाँदैथ्यो । इसा पूर्व छैटौँ शताब्दीमा ईरानी आर्य सम्राट क्रूश (साइरस) को शासन मध्य एसिया देखि लिएर भूमध्य सागरसम्म फैलिसकेको थियो । यस क्रममा समयको धारासँगै भारतबाट प्रसारित वैदिक शासन प्रणालीलाई मुस्लिमीकरण पछि इस्लामिक क्रान्तिका नाममा त्याहाँको व्यवस्थाले अन्य भाषाहरुलाई बोलचालमा ल्याउन थालेको पाइन्छ । क्रूशपछि उसको छोरो कम्बीससले यस साम्राज्यको सीमालाई मिस्र, थ्रास(वर्तमान बुल्गारिया) आदि स्थानहरुलाई आफ्ना अधीनमा ल्याएको थियो । यस साम्राज्यमा बसोबास गर्ने यहूदीहरुलाई जबर्जस्ती ‘आर्मैक’ नामक भाषा बोल्न बाध्य गराइयो, जसले गर्दा हिब्रू भाषा जन बोलचालबाट पृष्ठभूमिमा पुग्यो । फलत: यो भाषा बोलीचालीदेखि हराउँदै एउटा कथाका रूपमा इतिहास मात्र हुन पुग्यो ।

हिब्रू भाषा माथि एउटा अर्को ठुलो प्रहार के भयो भने ‘लेबिनान”का शासक नाबुचाडनज़र”को जेरुसेलममा आक्रमण पश्चात् यहूदीहरूमाथि विभिन्न उत्पीडनहरु हुन थालेपछि यहूदीहरु शरणार्थी भएर विश्वका विभिन्न स्थानहरुमा पलायन हुँदै बसोबास गर्नथालेका हुन् । जस्ता प्रकारले आज हामी भूटान सरकारका दमनबाट उत्पन्न शरणार्थी समस्याबाट विश्वभरि छरिन पुग्यौं त्यस्तै काहानी यिनीहरूको छ । अब यहूदीहरू पनि डायस्पोराका महाजालमा फसिसकेका हुँनाले उनीहरूको शैक्षिक, धार्मिक, सामाजिक, भाषिक र साहित्यिक एकता र अखंड़ताका सम्पूर्ण आधारहरु पनि छिन्न-भिन्न हुन पुगे । उनीहरू जहाँ-जहाँ पुगे समयका धारले त्यँहिको भाषा नसिकी जीवन निर्वाह गर्न संभव भएन । त्यसैले उनीहरू स्थानीय भाषालाई अपनाउन बाध्य हुँदैगए भने हिब्रू भषा मात्र अब बाइबलको भाषा भएर रह्यो । ईशाले जन्म लिएको स्थान जेरुसेलम पनि कालान्तरमा नष्ट भएपछि त्यहाँबाट बचेका यहूदीहरू पनि बाहिरिन थाले । अब यहूदिहरुको आफ्नो भाषासहित आफ्नो स्थान पनि समाप्त भयो । परिणाम स्वरुप विश्वभरि फैलिएका यहूदीहरुको कुनै निश्चित भाषा रहेन, तथापि धेरैजसोले ‘आरमाइक’ भाषालाई अपनाइएको देखिन्छ भने जो यहूदीहरू मध्यपूर्वमा पुगेर बसेका थिए उनीहरूले अरबी भाषालाई अंगालेको पाइन्छ । त्यसकारणले गर्दा हिब्रु भाषा अब विस्मृतिका गर्तमा पुगेर थान्को लाग्यो ।

इशा पूर्व छैटौँ शताब्दीमा उता भारतमा बुद्धको दीक्षा फैलँदै जाँदा पालि भाषाले विकास पायो । संस्कृतको बोलचाल रूपलाई विथोल्न पालि भाषा सफल भयो भने यता यहूदीहरूमाथि भएका विभिन्न आक्रमणले हिब्रुको अस्तित्वलाई समाप्त गरिदियो । विभिन्न कालखण्डमा विभिन्न स्थानहरुमा जाति, धर्म, भषा र शासनमा उथल-पुथल नआएको होइन । यी सबै परिवर्तनका मूलमा कारण राजनैतिक स्वार्थ नै रहेको देखिन्छ भने त्यही राजनैतिक व्यवस्थालाई चिर्न अनि अन्याय विरुद्ध लड्न र आफ्नो जीवन बलिदान दिने व्यक्तित्वहरुको उदय पनि त्यसै बीचबाट हुनेगरेको पाइन्छ । प्रकृतिको यो निर्धारित नियम आफ्ना कार्यमा सर्वथा गतिशील छ । हिब्रू भषाको इतिहास र सङ्घर्ष महाभारतभन्दा कुनै कमीको छैन भने यसको गाथा रामायणभन्दा कम कारुणिक छैन ।

यहूदीहरुको लुप्त मातृभाषा हिब्रु अब न त कुनै मातृ भषानै थियो नत यसको कुनै व्याकरण नै शेष रहेको थियो । शेष थियो त मात्र इतिहास शेष थियो । तर यस अवस्थामा ईशापूर्व छैटौँ शताब्दीदेखि लिएर उन्नाइसौं शताब्दी सम्मको काल खण्डलाई उदीर्ण गर्दै सन् १८५८ मा यहूदी डायस्पोरामा नै जेरुसेलमबाट छरिएर विश्वभरि बसोवास गर्न पुगेका यहूदी परिवारबीचमा रुस पुगेर बस्दै गरेका एक ग्रामीण परिवारमा एक क्रान्तिवीरले जन्म लिए । आधुनिक हिब्रु भाषाका जनकका रूपमा प्रख्यात ती वीरको नाम हो ‘एलिज़र बेन यहूदा” ।

एलिजर भाषिक उत्थानको विश्व इतिहासमा एउटा यस्तो नाम हो जुन नामले त्याग, समर्पण, लगनशीलता, निस्वार्थता, बलिदान, सामाजिक अखण्डता, जीवन-अनुशासनप्रतिको प्रेरणा र शिक्षाको दर्बिलो ठेली बोकेको छ । यिनै महापुरुषको अथक प्रयासले आज हजारौँ वर्षपछि पुन: हिब्रु भाषा करोडौं यहूदीहरुको पुन: मातृभाषा बन्न सफल भएको छ । मात्र एक व्यक्तिले गरेको सङ्घर्षको प्रतिफलका कारण आज यहूदीहरु इजरायलमा स्वाभिमानका साथ आफ्नो मातृभाषा हिब्रुलाई राष्ट्रभाषाका रूपमा प्रयोग गरिरहेका छन् ।

कसरी गरे त एलिजर बेनयहूदाले यस सङ्घर्षको शंखनाद ? कसरी सम्भव भयो विना व्याकरणको भाषाको पुनरुत्थान ? यस्ता प्रश्नहरू तपाईका मनमा उठिरहेका होलान् । त्यसैले अब हामी त्यस भाषिक माहायज्ञको संकल्पना तथा उनीद्वारा दिएका प्रत्येक आहुतिहरुको चर्चा यहाँ गरौँ ।

वस्तुत: जुन समयमा (१८५७ मा) एलिजरको जन्म भयो, त्यति बेला रुसमा सामन्ती व्यवस्था भएकाले अल्पसंख्यक रहेका यहूदी लगायत अन्य जातिका नागरिकमाथि त्यहाँको तात्कालीन शासक जारको दमनकारी नीतिका कारण जनता उपेक्षित र पीडित भएका बेला उक्त शासन व्यवस्था विरुद्ध एक राष्ट्रिय आन्दोलको सूत्रपात भयो । यस आन्दोलमा बेन यहूदा पनि सक्रिय भएर भाग लिन थाले । यहूदीहरुको सम्मानलाई सर्वोपरि मुद्दा बनाएर आन्दोलमा कुशल कार्यकर्ताको भूमिका निभाएका कारण बेन यहूदा बिस्तारै सर्वमान्य नेताका रूपमा देखिनथाले । जातीय सम्मान र अस्मिताको स्थापनाका लागि आरम्भ भएको आन्दोलनका क्रममा यी व्यक्तिमा आफ्नो मूलभाषा हिब्रूप्रति पनि प्रेम जागृत भयो । हिब्रुभाषा बाइबलमा त छँदैथ्यो। प्रार्थना भवनमा यसको प्रयोग हुन्थ्यो नै । जस्ता प्रकारले आज हाम्राबीचमा वेदका ऋचाहरु उच्चारण हुन्छन्, त्यस्तैनै हिब्रुमा लेखिएको उनीहरूको धर्मग्रन्थ वाचन गरिन्थ्यो । तर यहूदाका मनमा यस भाषालाई पुन: बोलीचालीको भाषाका रुपमा स्थापित गर्ने उत्कट इच्छा जागृत हुन थाल्यो । उनले यहूदी समुदायमा यस विषयको चर्चा आरम्भ गरे तर आरम्भमा उनलाई उपहासको पात्र बनाइयो । कसैले त उनलाई पागल नै भने । सर्वसाधारणलाई लाग्दथ्यो कि बाइबलमा बुझ्नसमेत गाह्रो भइरहेको कठिन भाषा सर्वसामान्यको बोलचालको भषा बनाउँछु भन्नु मुर्खता मात्र नभएर असम्भव कुरा हो । हो पनि, सामान्य व्यक्तिलाई हाम्रा वेदका ऋचाहरुको भाषालाई सर्वसाधारणको बोलचालको भषा बनाउनु पर्छ भन्दा अवश्य अपाच्य नै हुन्छ । त्यस्तै नै स्थिति हिब्रुको पनि त्यतिबेला भएकाले सामान्य जनमानसले नपचाउनु अस्वाभाविक अवश्य होइन तर जुन व्यक्तिले त्यसमा रहेका सम्भाव्यताको पूर्वानुमान गर्न सक्दछ, परिश्रम र उत्कट इच्छाशक्तिद्वारा त्यसलाई आत्मसात गर्ने सत्संकल्प लिन्छ त्यस व्यक्त्तिका लागि असम्भव नलाग्नु पनि त्यति नै स्वाभाविक हुन्छ । किनकि त्यो लक्ष्यपथको ध्येयपथिक व्यक्ति महान् बन्दछ, उसका सूक्ष्म चिन्तन तथा उत्कृष्ट कार्यको विशिष्ट कार्यशैली र निरन्तर लक्ष्य प्राप्तिको कठोर साधानाले । त्यस्ता व्यक्तिका ती विशेष गुणहरु र कार्यशैलीले गर्दा ऊ नेता कहलाउँछ । आजको नेताले उता होइन एता आफूतिरमात्र अग्रसरित गराउँछ तर इतिहासमा त्यस्ता महान् नेताहरू थुप्रै जन्मिएका थिए जसले कदापि एतालाई महत्त्व दिएनन् मात्र उतालाई समर्पित भएका हुनाले उनीहरू इतिहाएका पानामा सुरक्षित हुन पुगे । यो एता र उताको अन्तर बुझेर तदनुरूप व्यवहार गर्नसके आजका नेताहरू पनि हिजोका राम, कृष्ण, बुद्ध, गान्धी, सुभाषचन्द्र, हेडगेवार, मार्क्स, लेनिन, पृथ्वीनारायण शाह र एलिजर बन्न असम्भव छैन ।

यसरी हिब्रु भाषालाई पुन: जनसामान्यमा बोलचाल गराउने उत्कट इच्छा र संकल्प बोकेका एलिजरले समाजका प्रतिक्रियालाई आफूमाथि हाबी हुन दिएनन् । आफ्ना कार्यहरू र निरन्तरको कठोर परिश्रमद्वारा एक एक गर्दै यहूदीहरुलाई त्यस महान् लक्ष्यप्रति निरन्तर प्रेरित गर्दै अघि बढ्नथाले । यहूदा बिस्तारै आलोचना र प्रतिक्रियालाई भाषा पुनर्स्थापनाको नारा दिँदै सम्पूर्ण विषमता र प्रतिकूलतालाई धैर्य, विवेक र मेहनतद्वारा “दृढ संकल्प”को स्वरूप प्रदान गर्न सफल भए । उनी समाजलाई प्रेरित गर्दै भन्ने गर्दथे, “सर्वप्रथम हामी हाम्रा घरहरुमा हिब्रु भाषाको प्रयोग गरौँ ।” उनले सर्वप्रथम आफ्नी पत्नि र आफ्नै बच्चालाई पढाउन आरम्भ गरे भने उनले स्वयम् अन्य भाषाको प्रयोग बर्जित गरे । जब यस अभियानले मूर्त रुप लिन लाग्यो तब भाषाका पोशकतत्वहरुको आवश्यकता आइलाग्यो । अर्थात् लुप्त भैसकेको भाषालाई पुन: प्रयोगमा ल्याउन सर्वप्रथम शब्दभण्डारको अभाव खड्क्यो । बाइबलमा भएका शब्द कठिन र समयसापेक्ष नभएकाले अब धेरै जसो आधुनिक शब्दहरूको निर्माण गर्नुपर्ने भयो । कुनै पनि भाषालाई प्रयोगमा आउँन छोडेको हाजारौं सालपछि पुनर्स्थापित गर्नु सहज कुरा होइन । द्रुतगतिमा अघि बढ्दैगरेको वैज्ञानिक आविष्कारले जन्माएका नयाँ-नयाँ वस्तु र तिनीहरूका नाम अनि वैश्विक परिवर्तनले निम्त्याइएका आधुनिक नीति-नियम, रीतिरिवाज र संस्कृतिसँग एकाकार हुन भाषा नै एक सर्वोपरि साधान भएकाले त्यतिबेला यहूदाका सामु अनेक चुनौतीहरू आइलाग्नु स्वाभाविक नै देखिन्छ । तथापि उनले हिम्मत हारेनन् । उनी बाइबलका सहायतामा नयाँ शब्दहरूको निर्माणमा लागिपरे । प्रत्येक घरहरुमा हिब्रुको प्रयोग, नयाँ शब्दावालीको निर्माणका साथसाथै उनले अब स्थानीय शिक्षा व्यवस्थाका पाठ्यक्रममा हिब्रु भाषालाई स्थान दिलाउन अर्को छुट्टै आन्दोलन गर्न थाले किनकि जबसम्म कुनै भाषा पाठ्यक्रमको अङ्ग बन्दैन त्यस भाषालाई न त प्रशासनको संरक्षण नै प्राप्त हुन्छ न त रोजगारका दृष्ट्रिले लोकप्रिय नै हुन सक्दछ । त्यसै कारण यहूदा रुसमा त्यही कार्यमा जुटे जुन कार्यले हिब्रु भाषा जनमानसको भाषा र नवागत शिशुहरूको मातृभाषा बन्न सकोस् ।

एलिजरले भाषा शिक्षणका लागि तीन बुँदे कार्यक्रमको योजना प्रस्तुत गरे –

१. आफ्ना घरमा हिब्रु भाषाको प्रयोग २. शिक्षाका माध्यमका रूपमा हिब्रुको प्रयोग र ३. नयाँ हिब्रु शब्दावलीको निर्माण तथा प्रयोग ।

एलिजरले अब क्रमिक रुपमा समाजका व्यक्तिहरूलाई हिब्रुभाषा शिक्षणको रुपरेखा तयार गर्न थाले । उनले भाषा विकाशका सामान्य सिद्धान्त या आवश्यक सामग्रीहरूको तर्जुमाका बारेमा चिन्तन आरम्भ गरे । एलिजरले आफ्ना सबै समर्थकहरुलाई आह्वान गर्दै सर्वप्रथम आफ्ना घरमा हिब्रुभाषाको प्रयोग गर्न निर्देश दिए । तर समस्या शब्दावलीको थियो । उनले रातभर चिन्तन गरेर आरम्भमा साना साना पाठ्यक्रम विन्दुको निर्माण गर्दथे । जुन पाठ्यविन्दुहरुलाई स्थानीय जारप्रशासन र उसका चम्चाहरुबाट लुकेर जङ्गलमा या मरुभूमिको पठारको बालुवामा सिन्काले कोरेर वर्णहरुको र भाषा शिक्षणको थालनी गरे । आरम्भमा मात्र दैनिक व्यवहारमा प्रयोग गरिने वाक्यहरुको प्रयोगद्वारा बोल्ने अभ्यास गराउन थाले । उनलाई धेरै व्यक्तिहरुसँग मिल्ने अनुमति थिएन । सधैँ उनका पछाडि जासुस लागिरहने हुनाले भाषा शिक्षणको कार्य राति राति गर्न थाले । उनी दुई चार जनालाई एक ठाउँमा भेला गर्दथे र १५-२० मिनटसम्म त्यस दिनको पाठ्यक्रम तिनीहरूलाई अभ्यास गराउँथे अनि अर्को गन्तव्यतिर लम्क्न्थे । यसरी रातभरमा उनी १२ देखि १५ स्थानहरुमा गएर भाषा शिक्षण गर्नथाले । सँगसँगै उनले नयाँनयाँ शब्दहरूको निर्माण गरेर रुखका पातमा र बालुवामा लिपिवद्ध गराउँदै अभ्यास गराउन आरम्भ गरे । महिनौंको निरन्तर प्रयासपछि उनको कार्यले लोकप्रियता पाउन थाल्यो । जनतामा विश्वासको माहौल तयार हुनथाल्यो । उनीहरूमा आत्मविश्वास जाग्न थाल्यो । किनकि व्यक्तिहरू छिट-पुटरुपमा सामान्य दैनिक प्रयोगका वाक्यहरु प्रयोग गर्नसक्ने हुनथाले ।

यहूदा अतिव्यस्त हुनथाले किनकि कार्यको व्यापकता र आवश्यकता दिनानुदिन बढ्दै गयो । कुनै निर्मित पाठ्यक्रम, सामाग्री र सहयोगी शिक्षक थिएनन् । सबै कार्यको जिम्मेवारी आफैँले उठाउनु एक चुनौतीका साथ साथ बोझिल पनि हो । शारीरिक परिश्रमका साथसाथै मानसिक तनाव अनि पारिवारिक जिम्मेवारीमाथि सरकारी हस्तक्षेप र उत्पीडनको समस्या सदैव हाबी हुन्थ्यो । त्यस कारण बिस्तारै यहूदा अस्वस्थ हुन लागे तथापि उनले आफ्नो कार्यमा निरन्तरता हिम्मत नहारी दिइरहे । उनी एक भाषा रुपी महाभारतका आफैँ अर्जुन थिए, आफैँ कृष्ण थिए । उनी एक अदम्य शाहस भएका कर्मठ योद्धा थिए जो निर्धारित ध्येयपथका निरन्तर हिँडिरहने अनन्तयात्री थिए । उनका मनमा अलिकति पनि निराशा र हतोत्साह आएन । यद्यपि उनी प्रत्येक दिन मर्दथे अनि भोलिपल्ट झुल्के घामसँगै पुन: जन्मिन्थे । त्यसैले उनको भाषा पुनर्जीवनको महायात्रा नित्य नवीन हुँदै उन्नति र सफलताको चुचुरातिर गतिमान हुँदै गयो साथै उनका सहयात्रीहरु थपिँदै गए । अब उनी एक्लै थिएनन्; उनकापछि हजारौँको ताँती थियो । सात वर्षको भाषा आन्दोलनको परिणतिमा उनले हिब्रु मातृभाषा बोल्ने शिशुहरू जन्माए । अब हिब्रु बाइबलको मात्र भाषा रहेन। अब यो भाषा डायस्पोराका यहूदी शिशुहरुको मातृभाषा बनिसकेको थियो ।

बेन यहूदाले शब्दनिर्माता, कोशनिर्माता, शिक्षक, नेता, सबै प्रकारका भूमिका निभाए । उनले भाषा विकाशका आयामहरू थप्दै “हत्ज्वी”नामक समाचारपत्रमा दैनिकरुपमा छोटाछोटा कथा काहानीहरु, हास्यकणिका, आद्को प्रकाशान गर्नथाले । यस कार्यले बिस्तारै गति लिन थाल्यो । विरोधी, उदासिनर आलसी व्यक्तिहरू पनि अब आफ्नो भाषाप्रति प्रेम देखाउन थाले । यहूदाले जब यति कार्य आफू एक्लैका भरमा गतिमान हुन थालेको देखेर यसको संरक्षण र विकाशका निम्ति एउटा सामाजिक भाषिक संगठानको निर्माण गर्नु पर्ने निर्णय गरेर सन् १८९० मा “हिब्रु ल्यांग्वेज काउन्सिल’नामक संस्थाको गठन गरे । यस संस्थालाई पछि कार्यको आधिक्यले गर्दा ‘अकादमी’को रूप प्रदान गरे । यस अकादमीले यहूदाको पुस्तक “ए कम्प्लीट डिक्शनेरी अफ एन्शिएँट एण्ड मडर्न हिब्रू” प्रकाशित गर्‍यो, १२ खण्डमा अति विशाल ग्रन्थ बन्यो । यो शब्दकोश आज पनि अद्वितीय मानिन्छ ।

सन् १९२२ मा बेन यहूदा ६४ वर्षका उमेरमा क्षयरोगका कारणले मृत्यु भयो तर हजारौँ साल लुप्त भएको हिब्रुभाषा एक सत्संकल्प , कठोर साधना, दूरदर्शी नीति, सठीक योजना र कुशल नेतृत्वका कारण जब सन् १९४८ मा इजरायल राष्ट्रको उदय भयो तब यो भाषा मातृभाषा हुँदै इजरायलको राष्ट्र भाषा घोषित भयो । सलाम छ ती महान् क्रान्तिकारी बेनयहूदालाई !

यस लेखले अवश्य पनि नेपाली भाषी डायस्पोरामा मातृभाषाको शिक्षण, संरक्षण-संबर्द्धनका निम्ति हामीमा जाँगर ल्याउँनेछ भन्ने आशा छ । हामीसँग हिब्रु भाषाको जस्तो कारुणिक व्यथा र त्यो विकट परिस्थितिको अवस्था अवश्य पनि छैन साथै शब्दभण्डार या कोष नै आविष्कार गरिहाल्नु पर्ने भैगएको छैन । केही मात्रामा स्थानीय रूपमा अन्य विषयहरुलाई नेपाली पाठ्यक्रमका रूपमा ढाल्न आवश्यक अवश्य छ तर बालबालिकाहरुलाई रातारात, लुकीछिपी बालुवा र रुखका पातमा अभ्यास गराइरहनु पर्ने भैगएको छैन । हामीले मात्र सर्वप्रथम आफ्ना बाल्बालिकाहरुसँग आफू स्वयम् नेपाली भाषामा बोल्ने अनि उनीहरूलाई पनि बोल्न प्रेरित गर्ने गरियो भने पहिलो र दोस्रो सोपान पूर्ण हुनेछन् । यसरी नै भाषा विकाशका बाँकी सोपानहरु पठन र लेखनलाई घरबाट आरम्भ गर्दै सामुदायिक केन्द्र या शिक्षाकेन्द्रका रूपमा साप्ताहिक रुपमा नै भए पनि पुरा गर्न चाहँदा पर्याप्त सम्भावनाहरू छन् । आवश्यक छ हामीले जागरुक हुन, आवश्यक छ समयको व्यवस्थापन र समाजसेवाको अनि आर्थिक व्यवस्थापनको सामूहिक अभ्यासको । नत्र हामीलाई पश्चातापले छुन धेरै दिन लाग्दैन । हाम्रा बच्चाहरुले भाषा, संस्कृति र संस्कार भुल्न थालिसकेका छन्, अत: समयमा नै भोलि होइन आजै यस विषयमा सामाजिक तथा व्यक्तिगत रूपमा गम्भीर चिन्तन गर्न आवश्यक छ ।

BCN felicitates comedian duo MaHa

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June 16, 2016

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Bhutanese Community in The Netherlands (BCN) honored Madan Krishna Shrestha and Hari Bansa Acharya, popular comedian duo also known as MaHa Jodi, 4th June 2016, for their generous support to the Bhutanese refugees in early days of crisis in 1991.

Gopal Gurung, National Coordinator of BCN, highlighted the details about the support of MaHa duo during dire need of survival for Bhutanese Refugees in his address to the NRN (Netherlands) MaHa Jodi cultural program held in Amsterdam .

“With 32 quintal rice donated by them, our people at Maidhar survived their most crucial period of hunger and starvation. Bhutanese Refugees community all over the world remembers that support” Gurung recollected. He further said “Like our community around the world we in The Netherlands were also anxiously waiting to personally honor and share our love and gratefulness with them”. Ram Karki, general secretary of BCN, had received that donation support by the duo in 1991.

“Had he been here today, Ram Karki would have vividly narrated the story of such generosity by comedian artists Madan Krishna and Hari Bansha” remarked Gurung.

NRN delegates and comedian duo MaHa/Photo source BCN

Accepting memento of honor, the duo appreciated Bhutanese refugees for their ever lasting love and gratefulness for their little support which they have almost forgotten. “Bhutanese are the most grateful and graceful people we ever met; if we help them once they will never forget. If we give them 1 rupees they will return 100 rupees” said Madan Krishna Shrestha. He also elaborated how the Bhutanese refugees in all countries of settlement have showered them the love and gratitude. “We help all people who are needy and we have been doing such social works fro many years, but one service

to Bhutanese back in 1991 invited numerous honors and gratefulness towards us” said Hari Bansa Acharya.

Concluding the honoring ceremony, BCN President Mr. D.P Mainali thanked the NRN Netherlands unit for allowing BCN to interpolate this felicitation event in the midst of their cultural event. He also expressed his thanks to MaHa Jodi for their support to the Bhutanese refugees at their difficult time. He also appreciated them for accepting BCN honor and expressing their good words for Bhutanese community in general.

Note: Ram B Karki contributed this news from The Netherlands

Ubhauli festival and Kirati congregration held in TN

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June 12, 2016

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Ubhauli festival and Kirati congregration held in TN

The last three days of May went busy for the Kirat community of Nashville, TN, for the celebration of Ubhauli Khibekwa festival and preparation of bylaws to organize Kirat Community of America.

The cultural event of Ubhauli/Photo source: KCOA

A kirati girl in traditional attire for Ubhauli festival/Photo source: KCOA

The first day of the program, 27 May, was dedicated to approval of bylaws drafted by three member committee of D J Khaling, Naresh Laoti Subba and Dilip Dumi. The press statement received late by BNS states the approval of bylaws by participating delegates.

The second day of the congregation was entirely spared for the formation of board. A fifteen member board was completed with four executive members formed from within the board. The delegates from across the states-Tennessee, Georgia, Utah, Ohio, Kentucky, Texas, North Carolina, Oregon, Massachusetts were elected to the board, the election overseen by BM Khaling and Bahadur Subba.

The third day was the attraction of cultural event, mostly representing the indigenous heritage of kirati cultural practices. Kirats are the aboriginal hill residents of eastern Nepal, extending over to Darjeeling, Sikkim, Bhutan and Assam. Ubhauli is the festival marking the beginning of plantation season, dedicating to worship of earth and other natural elements that help in prospering of cultivation.

The three day event was hosted by Kirat Cultural Society of Tennessee and coordinated by Suk Man Suhang. The event was third of its kind held yearly.

Note: Report prepared by inputs from Dhan Man Lingden, secretary, Kirat Community of America

One day soccer tourney in KY

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June 5, 2016

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The players of all teams/Photo: Chandra Dahal

One day memorial inter-community soccer tournament organized by Bhutanese Society of Kentucky ended here in Louisville, with exchange of cordial relations between the international communities resettled in Louisville as part of refugee resettlement program.

The game was played between nine soccer teams representing five ethnic communities. The game started at 10:30 with kicking of ball by Darko Mihaylovich and family members of the deceased boys who died last year in tragic train-car accident.

Darko Mihaylovich, program director at Catholic Charities has promoted and supported the idea of having a memorial game since the time of memorial service held last year.

Trophy for the winner/Photo: Chandra Dahal

The first game was played between Nepali Bhutanese team and Midnimo Football club, won by Midnimo club with 3-1 score.

‘The memorial soccer tournament is initiated to keep the memories of the young soccer-loving boys alive and honor them,’ says Bhim Koirala, the public relations officer of BSK.

According to the organizers, Kentucky Refugee Ministries, JCPS, Catholic Charities and CE & S Foundation supported the tournament in all possible ways. CE&S supported the game with $ 1000, as per a BSK official.

Two referees Amrit and Jitu — Two referees- Amrit and Jitu/ Photo Chandra Dahal

Two officials of the game-certified referee Jitu Basnet and Amrit Regmi administered the game, both volunteering to oversee the games. Jitu Basnet drove all way from Nashville, TN to fill the position as he committed earlier.

The final was played between a team of New Comer Academy, players comprised of Congolese youths and Somali-Bantu youth team. Somali-Bantu team won the match. Abdullah Abdullahi was declared man of the tournament

The winner was awarded with cash prize of $300 and runner team with $200

Interstate volleyball tourney in Buffalo, NY

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May 31, 2016

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Interstate volleyball tourney in Buffalo, NY

Mount Everest volleyball runner cup interstate volleyball tournament played in Stalling Bar, Williams st. May 28-29 ended yesterday in Buffalo, NY.

The tournament was organized by Mount Everest volleyball club.

Sporting Volleyball/Photo source: Internet

Member of this club, Raj Sunuwar, informed BNS that 6 teams from different states of USA played the matches.

New York city came victorious while runner team was from Colombus,OH. The winner and runner were provided by $1550 cash and $1050 respectively with trophy,certificates and medals.

Som Timsina and Puspa Mishra judged the final matches. Netra Gurung of NY became man of the match.

Sunuwar told BNS, “The tournament began last year and it will be played yearly”. “We want to thank participants, volunteers, judges, sponsors and well wishers for great support and tremendous help”.

भूटानी तान्दै ओहायो राज्य, पुनर्स्थापितमध्ये एक तिहाइ पुग्ने

समाचार

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May 27, 2016

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भूटानी तान्दै ओहायो राज्य, पुनर्स्थापितमध्ये एक तिहाइ पुग्ने

‘म मे महिनाको शुरुमै यहाँ ओहायोमा हाजिर भएँ । न्यु मेक्सिकोको बसोबास लामो रहेन ।’ – हरि सुवेदी

‘ओहायोले हाम्रा सबै पो लगिसक्यो त । म्यानचेस्टरभन्दा कंकर्डका बढी गए होलान् ।’ – देविका भण्डारी, न्यु ह्याम्सर

‘होइन के छ त्यो ओहायोमा हाम्रा पनि मान्छे त्यतै सर्दैछन् । तपाईंहरूका तिर के छ ?’ – घन दुलाल, सल्ट लेक सिटी, युटा

‘म भने नर्थ डकोटाबाट ओहायो सरेको हुँ । मन्दिर जान साढे ३ घन्टा जानुपर्ने, समाज पनि चाहियो । सबै खोज्दा यतै पो सरियो ।’ – अवि अधिकारी, सिनसिन्याटी

‘म दिनको १५/१६ जना नयाँ मान्छेका लागि इन्टरप्रिटेसन गर्छु । कोही कहाँबाट कोही कहाँबाट सर्नुभएको भेट्छु ।’ – मनोरथ नेपाल, एक्रोन

अमेरिकामा पुनर्स्थापित भूटानीहरू ओहायो सर्ने क्रम यतिबेला तिव्र छ । यो मध्य-पश्चिम राज्यलाई धेरैले दोस्रो घर बनाउनुका धेरै कारणमाः सस्तो घर, नातागोता, कामका अवसर, नागरिकता निकाल्न अलि सहज, मौसम आदि हुन् ।

यो बसाइँसराइको विषय विश्वविद्यालय अनुसन्धाता, पत्रपत्रिका आदिका लागि नयाँ भएको छ ।

संख्या कति ? अप्रिल ३०, २०१६ सम्म अमेरिकामा पुनर्स्थापित भूटानीको संख्या ८६ हजार ८ सय २८ पुगेको छ । स्टेट डिपार्टमेन्टको यहि तथ्यांकअनुसार ओहायो (Ohio) मा पुनर्स्थापित हुनेको संख्या ७ हजार ५ सय ५४ मात्र हो । ओहायोका यी ठाउँमा पुनर्स्थापितको संख्या यत्ति होः

एक्रोन – २,२४६ बिचउड – १२२ सिनसिन्याटी – ९०३ क्लिवल्यान्ड – ९९० क्लिवल्यान्ड हाइट्स – ३१९ कोलम्बस – २,३६६ क्युयाहोगा फल्स – १४९ डेटोन – ९६ युक्लिड – २ फिनीटाउन – ५ केन्ट – १०८ लेकउड – १८१ लिबर्टी टाउनशिप – ४ मिडिलटाउन – १ माउन्ट हेल्दि – ६ रेनोल्ड्सबर्ग – ८ रकी रिभर – १२ साउथ युक्लिड – २२ स्टो – ५ स्ट्रिट्सबरो – ४

ओहायोमा यो संख्याको केही गुणा बढी भूटानी भइसक्नुभएको छ । यी अंक कहिँकतै कामै नलाग्ने भएका छन् ।

: कोलम्बसस्थित एउटा सामाजिक संस्थाको निर्वाशनमा भोट खसाल्दै एक भूटानी महिला (फायल तश्विर : रोसन संकर)

यति नै भन्न गाह्रो एशोसियटेड प्रेसले सन् २०१६ जनवरीमा तयार पारेको एउटा समाचारमा भनेको छ, ‘ओहायोमा १५ हजार भूटानी पुगिसके ।’

स्थानीय दिस विक कम्युनिटी न्युजको नर्थ ल्याण्ड न्युजका लागि कोलम्बसमा मात्र १५ हजार पुगेको अनुमान गर्छ । पत्रकार जोन हार्पर अगाडी लेख्छन्, ‘भूटानी तथा दक्षिण एशियाली शरणार्थीहरूले एक्रोन आसपासका सार्वजनिक विद्यालयहरूको रुप नै फेरेका छन् । एक्रोन नर्थ हाइस्कूलमा आधा विद्यार्थी एशियाली मूलका भइसके ।’

स्थानीय डब्लुकेएसयु ८९.७ रेडियोको रिपोर्ट भन्छ, ‘स्थानीय नर्थ हिल क्षेत्रमा मात्र ५ हजार भूटानी बस्छन् ।’

एक्रोनका बासिन्दाका लागि दोभाषे (इन्टरप्रिटेसन) गर्दै आउनुभएका मनोरथ नेपाल भने एक्रोन र कोलम्बसमा मात्र १५ हजार पुगेको अनुमान गर्नुहुन्छ ।

भूटनिज कम्युनिटी अफ सिनसिन्याटीले गरेको एउटा सर्वेक्षणमा ४ सयभन्दा केही बढी परिवार यस शहरमा फेला परेको थियो । औसत ४ जनाका दरले एउटा परिवार गन्ति गर्दा १ हजार ६ सय देखिन्छ, जुन सरकारले बसाएको भन्दा करिब दोब्बर हो । चुपचाप बसेको परिवार यो सर्वेक्षणमा नपरेको अवि बताउनुहुन्छ ।

स्थानीय समाचार-माध्यम, समुदायका अग्रजहरूको तथ्याङ्कलाई जायज हिसाब हेर्ने हो भने ओहायोले २०/२२ हजारभन्दा बढी भूटानीलाई तानिसकेको छ । यो क्रम हेर्दा कम्तिमा ३५-४० हजार पुग्ने, तर त्यति संख्यामा नरोकिने पनि देखिन्छ ।

सराइको रूप न्यु मेक्सिकोबाट ओहायो सरेका हरि सुवेदी भन्नुहुन्छ, ‘म त ओहायो सरेँ । न्यु मेक्सिकोमा अब ४ घर जति बाँकी हुनुहुन्छ ।’ सरकारी तथ्यांकअनुसार न्यु मेक्सिकोमा कूल १ सय २८ मात्र पुनर्स्थापित हुनुभएको छ । त्यहाँ निमट्यान्न हुने देखिन्छ । अमेरिकामा ४१ राज्यमा मात्र भूटानी पुनर्स्थापना गरिएको छ ।

पहिलोपटक पुनर्स्थापित भएको संख्या सरकारसँग हुन्छ । बसाइँ सरेको बुझ्ने उपाय राज्यको आप्रवास हेर्ने निकायहरूसँग छैन ।

अवि (अभिनाश) अधिकारी भन्नुहुन्छ, ‘पहिलोपटक आउँदा पो यो परिवार यति मितिमा आयो । यति जनाको परिवार छ र यहाँ बस्छ भन्ने थाहा हुन्छ । अहिले त अर्को राज्यबाट केही पैसा लिएर आयो । घर बैना गर्‍यो । किन्यो । सर्‍यो । कसैले पत्तो पाउँदैन ।’

सबै राज्यबाट सर्नेहरू भेटिन्छन् । थोरै संख्यामा पुनर्स्थापित गराइएका राज्यहरू यो बसाइासराइबाट बढी प्रभावित हुने देखिन्छन् ।

किन सर्दैछन् ? एशोसियटेड प्रेसले आफ्नो जनवरीको समाचारमा भनेको छ, ‘मान्छे थोरै पैसा भए पनि घर किन्दैछन् ।’

मनोरथ भन्नुहुन्छ, ‘मैले न्यु ह्याम्सरमा घर किन्ने कोशिस गरें । ३/४ हजार डलर बैनासैनामा गुमाएँ । यता सस्तो हुने देखेर ३ वर्षअघि यता सरे ।’ ओहायो सर्नुको मुख्य कारण घर नै देखिन्छ । घरकै लागि नेपालले सिकागो, टेक्सस, क्यालिफोर्निया आदिबाट सरेका मानिस फेला पार्नुभएको छ ।

घर किनेर बसिसकेका, नागरिकता लिनसक्ने/लिइसकेका, अलि लेखापढी राम्रो भएका वा शुरूवातीभन्दा राम्रो काम (सिपमुलक काम) गर्न सक्ने, आदिले भने बसाइँ सर्न जाँगर चलाएका छैनन् ।

भूटानी समुदायमा करिब ३५ प्रतिशत अंग्रेजीमा साधारण कुराकानी गर्न सक्ने थियो । पुनर्स्थापनाका लागि स्वास्थ्य-जाँच, अध्यागमनका काममा दोभाषेको प्रयोग गर्ने करिब ९० प्रतिशत भएको सेन्टर्स फर डिजिज कन्ट्रोल एन्ड प्रिरभेन्सन (सिडिसी) को रिपोर्टमा उल्लेख छ । अंग्रेजी कम जान्नेहरूले शुरुवाती काममा लाग्नुपर्छ । यसका लागि ओहायो सजिलो छ ।

‘एउटा जागिर नभएको सात दिन नबित्दै अर्को काम पाउँछ,’ धेरैको बुझाइ छ ।

अर्को कारण, पाँच वर्ष भएपछि नागरिक हुन चाहनेलाई ओहायोले निकै तानेकोछ । चिकित्सकले दिने कागज र कानुनी सहायतामा अलि सजिलो भएको छ ।

नातागोता र समाज खोज्ने चलन, अंग्रेजी बोल्न नसक्नेलाई योभन्दा ठूलो के पो हुनसक्छ र !

यहाँको मौसम ठिक्क छ । न तातो न धेरै चिसो । यहाँको सबभन्दा गर्मी ६२.५ डिग्री फहरेनहाइट, सबभन्दा चिसो ४३.३ डिग्री फहरेनहाइट, र औसत तापक्रम ५२.९ डिग्री फहरेनहाइट छ ।

आफू एक्लै पर्ने डर थोरै घर-परिवार भएका ठाउँमा अब एउटा डर पलाएको छ । ‘सबै गए भने म के गर्छु,’ भन्ने छँदैछ । साल्टलेक सिटीका घन दुलालको भनाइ जस्तो, ‘होइन के छ त्यो ओहायोमा हाम्रा पनि मान्छे त्यतै सर्दैछन् । तपाईंहरूका तिर के छ ?’

फिर्ने पनि होलान्ः नारद अधिकारी नारद अधिकारी म्यासाच्युसेट्समा बस्नुहुन्छ । उहाँको अनुमानमा ओहायो बसाइासराइ उहाँ बस्दै आएको राज्यलाई ठूलो असर पारेको छैन । म्यासाच्युसेट्समा २ हजार ९ सय १४ जना पुनर्स्थापित देखिन्छ । धेरै भूटानीका शिक्षक, अग्रज रहेका अधिकारीसँगको कुराकानीः

० तपाईंको विचारमा यो बसाइँसराइको कारण के होला ? घर-खरिद सस्तो, कामका प्रशस्त विकल्प, आफन्तहरू बढी, नागरिकता पाउन कानुनी सहायता सहज भएको भेटेको छु ।

० किन यस्तो संख्यामा चाहिं सर्नुभएको हो ? हामीलाई यता आउनुअघि प्रशिक्षण (ओरिएन्टेसन) मा जे भनिएको हुन्छ । यहाँ जीवन त्यस्तो सजिलो हुँदैन । समयमा काम निस्कनुपर्ने, पाँच वर्ष पुग्दा नागरिकता लिनुपर्ने कुरा त यहाँ आएपछि मात्र थाहा हुन्छ । जादू जस्ता कुरा यहाँ हुँदैनन् । साथीहरू हतारिनु भएको हुनसक्छ ।

० यो खोलो फर्केला त ? सरेकाबाट सुनेका समस्या पनि छन् । मलाई लाग्छ- जहाँ पहिले आयो, त्यो ठाउँ प्यारो हुन्छ । बाटोघाटो सजिलो भइसकेको हुन्छ । यताउता आफ्नो जस्तो भइसकेको हुन्छ ।

यो ओहायोको भेल सधै उहि गतिमा नरहला । आर्थिक रुपमा दिगो भएपछि, हातमा नागरिकता पाएपछि विस्तारै अन्त फर्कने क्रम पनि देखिन सक्छ ।

मिजुरीको सेन्ट लुइसमा ७० हजार बोस्नियाली, जीवनभर बसाइँसराइ ११ पटकसम्म पुनर्स्थापनापछि मानिसहरू फेरि कुनै खास ठाउँमा सरेका उदाहरण प्रशस्त छन् । यसको एउटा बलियो उदाहरण हुन्- बोस्नियाली । सन् १९९० को दशकमा अमेरिकाले बोस्नियालीलगायत पूर्व-युगोस्लाभियाबाट करिब एक लाख ४६ हजार शरणार्थीलाई पुनर्स्थापना गर्‍यो । यसमा एक लाख ३० हजार त बोस्नियाली थिए ।

पुनर्स्थापित बोस्नियालीहरू मिजुरीको सेन्ट लुइसतिर तानिए । सन् २०१३ को तथ्यांक-अनुसार सेन्ट लुइसमा मात्र करिब ७० हजार बोस्नियाली बसोबास गर्छन् ।

बोस्नियाबाहिर ठूलो संख्यामा बोस्नियाली रहेको ठाउँ नै सेन्ट लुइस हो । सेन्ट लुइसको कूल जनसंख्या करिब ३ लाख २० हजार छ ।

सन् १९६०/७० मा यहाँ १५ परिवार बोस्नियाली आएर बसेका थिए । पछि आउनेहरूको आकर्षण पहिले आएर बसेका नै भए । त्यहाँ बोस्नियालीको आफ्नै भाषाको पत्रिका, संग्रहालय, टेलिभिजन, रेडियो छन् ।

अमेरिकाभित्र बोस्नियाली पत्रिकाको व्यवसाय करिब त्यहाँ मात्र छ । त्यहाँको संग्रहालय बोस्नियामा भएको नरसंहारप्रति समर्पित छ ।

विविधता भन्दै विभिन्न ठाउँमा पुनर्स्थापित शरणार्थीहरू विस्तारै कुनै खास ठाउँहरूमा केन्द्रित हुने गरेका उदाहरण अरु शरणार्थी समुदायमा पनि छ ।

सन् २०१० को जनगणनाअनुसार अमेरिकामा कम्बोडियाली मूलका करिब २ लाख ७७ हजार मानिस छन् । त्यसमध्ये सबभन्दा बढी क्यालिफोर्नियामा मात्र करिब ८६ हजार छन् भने म्यासाच्युसेट्समा करिब २५ हजार, वासिङ्गटनमा १९ हजार, मिनेसोटामा ८ हजार, रोड आइल्यान्डमा ५ हजार छन् ।

उता अमेरिकामा १६ लाख ७५ हजार भियतनामी छन् । यत्रो संख्याको यो समुदाय भने निकै छरपस्ट देखिए पनि निकै ठाउामा हजारौंको संख्यामा केन्द्रित भएको पाइन्छ । कूल भियतनामी-अमेरिकीमध्ये क्यालिफोर्नियामा मात्र ४० प्रतिशत र टेक्ससमा १२ प्रतिशत छन् ।

अमेरिकामा बसाइँ-सराइ अमेरिकामा एउटा मानिस ११ पटकसम्म बसाइँ सर्ने अध्ययनले देखाएको छ । १८ वर्षमा दुई पटक सरेको मान्छे ३० वर्ष पुग्दा ६ ठाउँ सर्नसक्छ ।

सौजन्यः अक्षरिकाको मे, २०१६ अंक

BSK hosts fundraising dinner

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May 21, 2016

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Bhutanese Society of Kentucky hosted a first ever fund raising event yesterday evening at Buechel Park Baptist Church. The event was attended by more than eighteen businesses and non-profit organizations, including the two resettlement agencies of Louisville-Catholic Charities and Kentucky Refugee Ministries.

Alina kafley entertaining the dinner — Alina Kafley entertaining the dinner/Photo: BNS

Per Jiwan Bista, president of BSK, the fundraising dinner is hosted specifically to raise funds for the upcoming memorial soccer tournament on June 4, to be played in memory of three youths killed in train crash a year ago.

Fifteen donors sponsored tables worth $250 that allowed them eight participants.

The dinner was entertained by selected dance and songs performed by local artists, ranging all ages-as little as four years old Alina Kafley.

BSK was established in 2009, and has since been working on volunteers support on issues of community like health awareness, funeral arrangement, crisis management, policing, youth and sports.

Bhutanese women gang-raped in Bangalore and Wangdue

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May 20, 2016

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Bhutanese women gang-raped in Bangalore and Wangdue

A Bhutanese national working as a beautician was allegedly gang-raped by three men last Sunday night in an apartment in Electronics City at Southeast Bengaluru, Bangalore.

According to Times of India, she went for a birthday party to a friend’s place where she met one of the accused. After the party, as she was looking for a place to buy cigarettes, the man offered to take her to the place that was open till late night. As she knew him, she didn’t suspect any foul play while accepting the alleged rapist’s invitation to his apartment, where she saw two other men inside. According to Indian news media, the victim claimed to be forced to drink alcohol by the perpetrators. When they attempted to rape her, the victim managed to overpower them and ran out of the apartment on to the dark streets seeking help, chased by her assailants.

She eventually ran into a man and screamed for help, but as she spoke a language he could not understand, and assuming the three chasing her were friends of hers, he simply handed her back to them.

But, as she was being pulled back into the apartment, she overpowered them for a second time and fled the apartment. This time she ran into a couple, who immediately called the police control room and informed the cops. The police arrested Mukhtiar, Khadim and Babu, all employed as helpers in the same hotel where the girl was working. All three of them are in their early twenties.

Meanwhile, the Prime Minister of Bhutan, Tshering Tobgay extends his thoughts and prayers to the victim of the gang rape. “Horrified to hear about alleged gang rape of Bhutanese woman in Bangalore. Our Delhi embassy is working closely with Indian govt. officials” Prime Minister Tobgay tweeted this morning. Within a minute, Tobgay again tweeted, “We are in touch with the victim who is being provided full support by our embassy. My thoughts and prayers are with the brave victim”.

According to the local area Police base in Electronic City, the three accused have been booked on charges of gang rape under section 376D of the Indian Penal Code and have been remanded to judicial custody.

In Wangdue, Bhutan

Another 42 years old women is raped by three men on May 16 in Wangdue, Bhutan. The victim is reported as a mother of 5. Bhutan Broadcasting Service(BBS) has reported that the three perpetrators are arrested.

‘There are hundreds of unreported cases of rape in the country taken place inclosed doors, from high ranking officials, from within the relatives and the perpetrators are known to the victims. And, Bhutan is sure to see the generation of fatherless children”, says one of the former reporters from Thimphu.

“Because of the fear of social stigma and rejection from their family members many rape victims do not speak up in Bhutan. The age-old tradition ‘Night Hunting’ is termed for most of the rape cases. The number of fatherless children is high in Bhutan and those children are not listed in the national census. Future of those children is uncertain”, summarizes the former reporter.

Australian and UK Visa Application Centre opens in Thimphu

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May 19, 2016

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Australian and UK Visa Application Centre opens in Thimphu

The Australian ambassador to Bhutan, Harinder Sidhu, and, the honorary consul for the UK in Bhutan, Michael Rutland, formally opened the new joint Visa Application Centre in Thimphu, Thursday.

According to a joint statement, the new Visa Application Centre (VAC) would enable Bhutanese nationals to apply for either their Australian or UK visa in Thimphu, rather than having to lodge their applications in India.

“The VAC is a joint venture between Australia, UK Visas and Immigration and VFS Global, their commercial partner. It is hoped that the new VAC will encourage more Bhutanese to visit both Australia and the UK,” said the statement.

The statement further said, Sidhu was pleased the new centre would improve access for applicants from Bhutan seeking to visit Australia for study, work or leisure.

“Australia and Bhutan are long-time friends and we are pleased to have been able to make a major contribution by assisting Bhutan’s development over many years. Education is the backbone of this connection,” she said.

“We welcome many Bhutanese students to Australia, who return to make an important and influential contribution to their homeland. This new facility will help streamline the visa process for those students and others planning to visit to Australia,” added she.

The British High Commissioner to India, Sir Dominic Asquith KCMG said: “I was delighted to announce the opening of the UK’s first Visa Application Centre during the successful visit of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge to Bhutan last month.

“This new application centre will make it much easier for Bhutanese visitors to get their visas and I hope it will encourage more visitors to come to the UK,” he said.

“Their Royal Highnesses thoroughly enjoyed their visit to this beautiful country and were overwhelmed by the warm welcome they received. I am sure that Bhutanese visitors coming to the UK will also receive a warm welcome and have a fantastic time exploring our country.”

Ada Rachu rule revoked

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May 18, 2016

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Follow-Up

Royal Government of Bhutan revoked the much debated and unpopular ‘Ada rachu’ rule last night. But, the government’s official version of the decision is yet to come.

The rule, said to be made by Dzongkhag cultural officers during their sixth annual conference, was brought to the public through Home Ministry. The imposition brought last April was widely criticized in the public forums.

The government has shown good gesture of democratic government that respected the public opinion against the rule. This action of government has warned those cultural officers to think before deciding anything related to the matter of public interest and constitutional norms and values.

Photo: Sangay Khandu's Facebook — Photo: Sangay Khandu’s Facebook

Introducing new rules so hastily to earn cheap popularity and attempt to draw royal attention by the officials in Bhutan is not new. And, so was the Ada Rachu rule.

Sangay Khandu, Member of Parliament at National Council of Bhutan, writes on his Facebook page referring Lekey Dorji’s twitter message Tengye Lyonpo as saying Government has rescinded the adda rachu order issued by the, Ministry of Home and Cultural Affairs, (MoHCA).

The April 29, report- Only ‘Ada Rachu’ defames GNH, degrades Women– carried by BNS is proven to be of substance.

‘Shadow of Dream’, Nepali gazal album by Aussie Bhutanese, released

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May 13, 2016

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‘Shadow of Dream’, Nepali gazal album by Aussie Bhutanese, released

The first solo music album “Shadow of Dream” of rising music star from the Australian Bhutanese community Laxman Gurung aka Ekloudasi, was launched amidst a special function organised in Adelaide earlier this month.

Artist Gurung performs at the album releasing event organized in Adeliade — Artist Gurung performs at the album releasing event organized in Adelaide (Picture courtesy: Jasmine Photography)

This is the first gazal music album by Australian Bhutanese whose lyricist are all Bhutanese writers.

Similarly, in all seven songs included in the album, Gurung himself has given the melodious music.

Gurung performed two songs from his album at the launching ceremony and unveiled another through a music video produced in Nepal, featuring Nepalese movie artists. Other Afghan, Bhutanese and Nepalese artists also performed at the launching ceremony.

Popularity of Gurung as a singer and musician in the Bhutanese community was demonstrated by presence of community members who did not find space to sit.

Speaking at the event, chief guest and former chairperson of Bhutanese Australian Association of South Australia (BAASA), Jogen Gazmere, stressed the need for financial, moral and all other forms of support to be given for new and rising music stars of the Bhutanese community in diaspora.

This is the second musical album from Australian Bhutanese, first being by brother duo Narad and Taken Dahal, who also hail from Adelaide.

The album is immediately available for purchase at $10 excluding shipping cost, according to singer Gurung.

Sherab dreams prosperous Bhutan from Qatar

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May 11, 2016

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Sherab dreams prosperous Bhutan from Qatar

Special Report

Sherab (name changed) joined a group of friends to fly for Qatar in 2014 to help government fulfill its pledge-6000 overseas jobs per year. Along with his friends he got into trouble with their employer when he did not get the same job as promised before boarding the plane. Now, the same group of workers including Sherab is not paid the salary for the work they are doing. Are they not doing the right job?

Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay and Minister for Labour and Human Resources, Ngeema Sangay Tshempo. Photo: Ministry of Labour and Human Resources — PM Tshering Tobgay and Minister for Labour and Human Resources, Ngeema Sangay Tshempo.
Photo: Ministry of Labour and Human Resources

A year ago Sherab contacted BNS from Doha expressing the fear and despair. BNS brought in light their concerns in Expectation Vs Reality: Bhutanese workers in Qatar.

The report was widely read and shared in and outside Bhutan. Ministry of Labor and Human Resource (MOLHR) defended in pretext, “No formal complaints have been received in this regard.” Global Recruitment Overseas Agency, the manpower company in Thimphu that sent these young men to Qatar wrote to BNS warning not to write anything what the agency does.

The Global Recruitment Overseas Agency since recently got suspended for good.

Sherab contacted BNS again from Qatar saying, ‘It is time to help again. Many of our friends are denied salaries by the companies. We know very well that Ministry of Labor and Human Resource in Thimphu is well aware of this, but hesitant to do what it should. We hear officials in the ministry as saying- those who assume with the problem should report us in person or through proper channel. What a rule!?’

Once the issue got surfaced through the relatives and friends of those workers in Bhutan, social media joined the line to inform government.

Dargo Tashi, admin of the social media group – Breaking the News-Bhutanese Social Media -that has around 22K followers writes on May 4, 2016, ‘This is the kind of thing that we should be worried about, not the color and patterns of our Racchu. I think it’s high time that our people demand accountability from the government because they sent these people there despite knowing that such things are happening there and has already happened to our people in the Middle East before.’

Tsehwang Dorji, a parent of one worker in the Middle East adds a comment on Dargo Tashi’s post saying, ‘Quite a worrying factor for parents like us who has children in the Middle East. Think govt. MOLHR should do more than what they think they are doing. We urge ministry to do better and stop promising what they cannot fulfill.’

A dream to prosper?

The job seeking youths flew to Qatar and other Middle East and South East Asian countries as a part of government’s bid to find foreign employment to at least 6000 youths a year.

Sherab sent back almost every dinar to his family that was just enough to pay off the loan he has taken for arranging the flight to Doha and as a processing fee charged by the agency in Thimphu, pay the employment company and meet other expenses. He told BNS, “Seven months from now, if everything goes well, I am planning to save the rest.”

Something is better than nothing

When Bhutanese society is reeling under the paradox of problems –alcoholism, substance abuse, mental health and suicidal behavior, unemployment, massive rural urban migration- choosing to enter foreign employment market is a Hobson’s choice.

The number game in school is quite tricky to predict any worthwhile career path the students can take. The number of seats available in government schools is sheer limited, which can absorb only 40 percent of the passing students, which in turn determines the intake valve for admission to government colleges. In 2016, 5,410 students who passed grade 10, could be taken into government schools for secondary education. Rest students left to find way to some of the Indian cities or expensive private schools in the country. According to Bhutan Council for School Examinations and Assessment, a total of 11,323 students sat for the exam from 39 higher and 73 middle secondary schools.

While, in 2015, private schools too had limited seats to take all students who did not make the threshold of 61 percent aggregate! Total students passing tenth grade last year were 5972.

With this stark reality of booming youth unemployment, opening of overseas job for aspiring job seekers is something better than nothing. But, the unscrupulous manpower companies in Thimphu and the employer companies in Doha seem to have colluded to add more hardships to the workers. “They have not fulfilled their promises,” says Sherab’s roommate in Doha. Quality Hyper Market in Doha is one that has not paid its employees since March.

Back in the country, the clear demarcation of blue collar and white collar jobs has added stigma to all educated youths to take up even the skilled or semi-skilled job like masonry, construction worker or plumbing. People are cultured to look at such jobs as low ranking and associated to their prestige.

A Kuensel report of October 21, 2015 says, “A masonry trainee at the TTI, Thukten Jamtsho said societal pressure and stigma are the biggest challenges for Bhutanese youth who take up vocational education.”

In the same reporting of Kuensel, one official at a vocational training institute is quoted, “Even now most students pursuing vocational trainings here are from humble families since well-off parents discourage children from taking up blue-collar jobs.”

The way Royal Civil Service Commission picks from the pool of graduates applying to government jobs has created enough frustrated lots.

Those RCSE disqualified but merited students see only an option- to be the ambassadors of the nation and try their luck in the Middle East and Malaysia. On the other hand, the government’s ambitious pledge gives way to agents and manpower companies mushrooming in Thimphu.

Taste of change – a test

There is a change in the system of governance in Bhutan. The fourth king Jigme Singye Wangchuck has gifted democracy to His people and the throne to His son Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. But, people haven’t seen required change in the modus operandi of the leaders and bureaucrats in terms of misusing the power.

General public blame unchecked corruption as the triggering factor for unemployment.

The very first democratic government led by Jigme Y Thinley was anticipated to change the course of Bhutan’s participatory development philosophy, opening new road to progress and prosper. The people were dismayed and the nation put on shame when elected high officials like the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Home Minister, were found to be the accomplices in Gyalpoizhing land scam.

The second elected government now led by Tshering Tobgay suffered a backlash when one of its cabinet ministers, Rinzin Dorji, was found to have risen to power through corruption. Before taking to the political race, they all were trusted bureaucrats in the eyes of common people.

Bhutan’s corruption watchdog, Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) too isn’t far away from people’s criticism. It is blamed for baiting only the small fishes and has no access to the ponds with bigger fishes. The confusion surrounding the formation of ACC and appointment of its chief sent tremors to Transparency International as per December 10, 2015 report. And, the Transparency International has cautioned Bhutan in this regard.

Dasho Neten Zangmo, former ACC chief, also called a fearless leader told to BBS, May 8, 2015 “Corruption is deeply and widely entrenched within the national system inside and outside Government. It is not a here and there cases of corruption. Corruption has become part of national trait of doing things.”

The current ACC chief has tough road to walk through.

ACC has to really go after the questions: who is becoming the richest at the cost of public resources? Who all are the competitors behind the scene? Why a nation with just around 650,000 population has to send 6000 fresh graduates overseas annually?

Albeit, no country in the world is corruption free, this tiny nation can easily materialize a dream to become the first corruption-free nation on earth. What stops? It is just a matter of proper use of the system and making strong laws to penalize the perpetrators. ‘20^th by 2020’ vision of Bhutan towards cleanliest list is easily achievable-provided each one becomes accountable to what they do. Recently introduced E-receipt system is the harbinger in the nation for that good beginning.

Remittances: will it improve?

From recent figures in Kuensel, status of remittances to Bhutan from foreign employment is seen encouraging: Non-resident Bhutanese remitted various currencies worth Nu 508 million from January to December 2014, according to the Royal Monetary Authority’s monthly bulletin of February. This was an increase of Nu 164M from Nu 344.6M in the previous year during the same period.

Bhutan last year received Australian dollar (AUD) 4.24M, which is roughly Nu 203M at the current buying rate. Remittances received from the US amounted to USD 4.15M or Nu 261M. (Kuensel March 14, 2015)

Remittance from Australia has doubled from AUD 4.24M in 2014 to 8.73M last year. In 2013, remittance of AUD 240,000 was recorded. United States of America (USA) is another country from which inward remittance is quite high. Last year, about USD 6.6M has been sent from USA compared to USD 4.5M in 2014 Kuensel on March 10, 2016 reports.

However, these figures do not account for the very meagre amount of remittance sent by these workers in Qatar or Korea or Thailand.

Bhutanese people begin to understand- a huge variance exists in disbursement of available resources vis-à-vis the population it serves. Foreign aid, remittances, taxes, revenues, and sale of hydropower besides other sources make the national income. The distribution system has not been proportional, people assume, with unseen leakages. People mostly hear about insufficient funding or lack of budget in the development projects from the official media but if a firm system is to dig out the truth, it can bring out unpleasant news to many.

Hope within woes

What did you learn besides hardships and being a victim of deception from your own people in Thimphu? Sherab says, “Every misery has silver linings. I got education that people in Qatar want their country to develop, in Bhutan people in power want to develop. I see Bhutan far richer than where I work, naturally. Should corruption to bring to an end in Bhutan and proper system planned-it will not take time for Bhutan to hire manpower from overseas. I should not be sweating here. My country deserves my sweat than anywhere.”

Does it mean? Government failed to patch leakages and loopholes in the departments, ranks and positions with transition from active monarchy to the gifted democracy, or Government sees nothing in the vicinity to utilize the potent energy of the youths. And, to minimize the crowd in the cities- crowd of the disqualified merited youth- government lures them to overseas employment that ultimately ditch them into miseries. The government’s pledge for 6000 overseas employment per year is already in trouble! The crowd in the cities is still rising. The defending statements from the MOLHR against the plea of the suffering youths from overseas speak in volume.

May Sherab’s dream for a prosperous Bhutan come true provided system of good governance is ingrained properly and corruption is systematically wiped out.

The Silent Cost of Shangri-La? The Human Rights Controversy in Bhutan

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May 6, 2016

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The Silent Cost of Shangri-La? The Human Rights Controversy in Bhutan

For many in the Western Buddhist world, Bhutan has become a quasi-mythical land. Bhutan is an officially Buddhist Kingdom with ties to internationally popular Lamas. It has become famous for it’s lauded vision of “gross national happiness”. In 2006, it was named the happiest country in Asia and the sixth happiest in the world in a survey based on the Gross National Happiness index inspired by Bhutan itself. In 2012, as a result of an initiative of the Bhutanese government, the UN named March 20 “The International Day of Happiness”. More recently the environmental media declared Bhutan one of the few countries in the world to be not just carbon neutral but carbon negative.

Bhutan is venerated for resistance to modernization and westernisation. The fact that it is difficult to even visit Bhutan due to its limitations on tourism only increases its mystique. In addition many Western students of Vajrayana dream of retreats in the green mountains and valleys of the “land of the dragon”, where pure teachings of the Kagyu and Nyingma lineages are still to be found.

Gross National Happiness In the 1970’s the Bhutanese King Jigme Singye Wangchuck began instituting his vision of “gross national happiness (GNH)”, which included strong measures to protect Bhutan’s dominant ethnic culture and the religious tradition of Vajrayana Buddhism (which it shares with Tibet). In the 1980s, the Bhutanese government was worried about illegal immigration and preserving the country’s cultural identity in the face of Nepali influence as well as the power of it’s neighboring giants China and India. Bhutan adopted a “one nation one people” policy and introduced mandatory Driglam Namza, the ancient code of social etiquette practised by the dominant ethnic group- people from west Bhutan, who are of Tibetan origin. The government decided to deport thousands of people of Nepali ethnicity, many of whom had lived in the south of Bhutan for generations and are known as lhotshampas (“southerners”). The government passed laws requiring people to wear traditional Bhutanese dress and banned the Nepali language in public, and, human rights groups say, tortured Nepali Bhutanese, who spoke out.

In a harrowing 2013 NY Times article Vidhyapati Mishra wrote an account of the expulsion of his family from Bhutan. He recalls an idyllic childhood on a farm that grew “maize, millet and buckwheat, a cardamom garden, beehives and enough pasture for cows, oxen, sheep and buffaloes.” After the 1989 declaration of the “one people, one country” policy things began to change. Hindu seminaries were closed, “traditional Bhutanese” customs were imposed on all and Mishra’s elementary school, which served the Lhotshampa population, was closed down. One day in 1991 Mishra reports, men in uniform came to his house and seized his father. After insisting he put on his bakku (traditional Bhutanese dress), they dragged him from the house kicking and slapping him. As Mishra describes it, “My father was held for 91 days in a small, dank cell. They pressed him down with heavy logs, pierced his fingers with needles, served him urine instead of water, forced him to chop firewood all day with no food. Sometimes, they burned dried chilies in his cell to make breathing unbearable. He agreed eventually to sign what were called voluntary migration forms and was given a week to leave the country our family had inhabited for four generations.” At the time of writing that NY Times article Mishra had been in a refugee camp known as Beldangi 2 for 21 years.

Full content of this article can be read here.

(The article has been reproduced with due permission from hashkata.com. Matthew is a freelance journalist and writer from Canada. He has been contributing for the Forward, the Jewish Independent, Tikkun, Elephant Journal and elsewhere. He can be reached at [email protected])

Adventurers aim for a glimpse of Bhutan’s highest peak

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May 3, 2016

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Adventurers aim for a glimpse of Bhutan’s highest peak

An adventure company has set its sights on reaching the peak of an unexplored mountain in Bhutan to get a glimpse of one of the highest unclimbed mountains in the world.

Secret Compass will lead a team of amateur adventurers on the expedition, trekking to the 5,400-metre peak of an unnamed and previously unclimbed Himalayan mountain in 2017.

A view of Gangkhar Puensum Photo: Secret Compass — A view of Gangkhar Puensum
Photo: Secret Compass

From the peak the team will get a clear view of Bhutan’s highest mountain, known as Gangkhar Puensum. It is nestled among the jagged Himalayas and stands at an elevation of 7,570 metres.

Tom McShane, operations director at Secret Compass called the expedition unique and ambitious, “This expedition doesn’t strive to be an Everest-styled box-ticker,” he said in a statement. “It’s unique and ambitious, it’s far from the madding crowds of Everest base-camp and it will attract people who enjoy pushing their own boundaries in unusual, culturally fascinating and little-visited destinations. The 5,400m peak is what we call a ‘trekking peak’ and this physical part of the expedition is achievable by fit amateurs rather than technically competent mountaineers.

The real aim of this pioneering expedition is to explore a hidden corner of the Himalayan world in this remote and isolated Buddhist Kingdom, achieving something extraordinary in a quiet, low-impact way in one of the world’s wildest untouched places.”

Mountain expeditions have been rare in Bhutan since the government prohibited anyone from climbing mountains higher than 6,000 meters in 1994. The ban was part of an effort to respect local spiritual beliefs and aimed to prioritize the country’s conservation efforts.

In neighboring Nepal, the effects of mountain tourism have become a major environmental issue. A large amount of waste has been left behind on trails around Everest and tree lines have been reduced due to firewood being burned for heating and cooking.

Many of Nepal’s Sherpas have urged their government to temporarily limit access to areas surrounding Everest so the area can be cleaned and reforestation and conservation efforts can be put in place.

Speaking to the BBC, Lindsay Griffin, chairman of the Mount Everest Foundation screening committee said: “The Bhutanese are very keen on protecting their own people. They just looked at what was going on in Nepal with Everest and decided that they’re not going to be part of that.”

Secret Compass previously traveled to Bhutan when they supported the production of a British television show called Walking the Himalayas. The show followed the journey of TV adventurer Levison Wood as he made his way across the long stretch of mountains on foot.

Before summiting the 5,400-metre peak the expedition team will make their base-camp in the same remote valley as Wood when he visited Bhutan in the climax of the TV series.

Steve can be reached at [email protected]

‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ दादासाहेब फाल्के अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय चलचित्र महोत्सवमा

समाचार

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May 1, 2016

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‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ दादासाहेब फाल्के अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय चलचित्र महोत्सवमा

नेपाली कथानक चलचित्र ‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ दादासाहेब फाल्के अन्तर्राष्टिय चलचित्र महोत्सव छैटौमा दिल्लीमा अफिसियल छनौटमा परेको थियो । चलचित्र दुई विधामा अन्तिम प्रतिस्पर्धामा पुगेको थियो । फिचर फिल्मतर्फ नेपालबाट ‘चलचित्र देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ बेस्ट एक्टर र बेस्ट चलचित्रको नोमिनेशनमा पर्न सफल भएको थियो । जुरीको दुई हप्ताको निर्णयबाट संसारभरका सात सयभन्दा बढी फिचर फिल्महरुबाट अफिसियल छनौटमा चलचित्र ‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ चुनिएको हो ।

दादासाहेब फाल्के अन्तर्राष्टिय चलचित्र महोत्सवमा सहभागी ‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ चलचित्र समूह (सौजन्यः ‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ परिवार)

दुई हप्तासम्म चलेको महोत्सव फाल्केको जन्म जयन्तीमा अप्रिल ३०, २०१६ शनिवारका दिन टिभोली ग्रेन्ड होटल एन्ड रिसोर्ट, नयाँ दिल्लीमा एक भव्य समारोहबीच समापन भएको हो । दादा साहेव फाल्केलाई भारतीय सिनेमाका पिता मानिन्छ । भारतमा सर्वप्रथम चलचित्र भित्र्याएका उनको वास्तविक नाम ढुंडीराज गोविन्द फालके हो । यस वर्ष दादासाहेबको एक सय सत्चालिस औं जन्मजयन्ती पनि परेको थियो । उक्त महोत्सवको अन्तिम सेमिनारमा सहभागिता जनाउन नेपालबाट कलाकारहरु हेमन्त बुढाथोकी, पटकथाकार उपेन्द्र सुब्बा, लेखक/निर्देशक प्रकाश आङदेम्बे र अमेरिकाबाट आर्ट/पोस्ट प्रोडक्सन डाइरेक्टर प्रल्हाद गुरुङ आएका थिए । चलचित्र ‘देश खोज्दै जाँदा’ भूटानी शरणार्थीहरूको नेपालको शिविर बसाइको वास्तविक कथामा आधारित छ । यस चलचित्रमा हेमन्त बुढाथोकी, बाबु बोगटी, अरुणा कार्की, मिना कोइराला, एलपि जोशी, केशव आचार्य, शिवशंकर थापा, टंक विकल्प, प्रताप सुब्बा, प्रकाश बुढाथोकी आदिले अभिनय गरेका छन् । चलचित्रको फाइनल पोस्ट प्रोडक्सनको कार्य कर्निज इफ स्टुडियो क्यालिफोर्निया (अमेरिका) मा भएको हो ।

लेखक/निर्देशक आङदेम्बे भन्छन्, ‘यो चलचित्र हाम्रो पहिलो प्रयास हो । पहिलो कार्यले नै यति ठुलो चलचित्र महोत्सवमा अफिसियल छनौट र दुई विधामा अन्तिम प्रतिस्पर्धामा आइपुग्न पाउँदा खुसी लागेको छ । चलचित्रका सम्पूर्ण सदस्यहरू प्रति आभारी छु ।’ प्रत्येक दश वर्षमा मात्र आयोजना हुने यो फेस्टिबल केही वर्षदेखि वार्षिक रूपमा हुँदै आएको छ । छोटो चलचित्र, वृत्तचित्र, विज्ञापन, गीतको भिडियो, एनिमेसन र फिचर विविध विधाहरू महोत्सवमा सहभागी रहने गर्छन् । यसका अलावा बाजिराहो मस्तानी (भारत), स्विट गर्लस् (स्विजरल्याण्ड), माझी द माउण्टेन मेन (भारत), मृगनभि (भारत, आसामिज), समर लिफ डफ (जापान), द पिउर हार्टेड भिलेन (तमिल), जन्जस (अर्जेन्टिना), उन हम ल मर (बेल्जियम), द रिर्टन (इरान), एडभन्चरर्स अफ अप्पु एन्ड गप्पु (अमेरिका), मिराकल्स अफ लाइफ फोर्स (जर्मनी), द बुक (युक्रेन) पनि महोत्सवमा सहभागी थिए । महोत्सवमा लाइफ टाइम एचिभमेन्ट अवार्ड अभिनेता मनोज कुमार, फाउण्डेशन अवार्ड बलिउड अभिनेत्री प्रियंका चोपडा तथा उन्नाइस पटक गिनिजबुकमा नाम चढाएका रामरहिम सिंहलाई दिइएको थियो ।

Only ‘Ada Rachu’ defames GNH, degrades Women

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April 29, 2016

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Only ‘Ada Rachu’ defames GNH, degrades Women

What, if someone says you are not allowed to wear one particular kind of clothing. What in a country, if some officers decide to choose the pattern on a piece of fabric you must have? Because that you are woman, you do not have the absolute right of presenting in front of officials with descent dress of your liking. No irking. This is no ancient tale of a king who exiled his youngest daughter to a jungle-for not complying to his orders of marrying to a particular suitor. One may ask, “Should I believe my ears? Aren’t my eyes undergoing optical illusion?”

But this has gone real in GNH country. Women are awestruck by the circular disseminated by the Ministry of Home and cultural affairs doffing their rights. All the ordinary women in the nation are warranted not to wear Rachu with patterns (Rachu is a piece of long belt like scarf women wear along with Kira hanging back and front resting on the shoulder). The classic patterned rachus are meant only for the Royal family members. This is what nowadays dzongkhag cultural officers in Bhutan are reported to be interpreting the circular in different offices and cities and soliciting women.

Before this change became public through Kuensel on April 27, it was being candidly enforced by the officials in the public and some of the government offices. The Kuensel report has not mentioned any nature of penalties for not complying with circular. One of the female officers had to change her rachu immediately as soon as the circular was out. ‘I bought an Ada Rachu (non-patterned) from the town as the cultural officer asked me to change my rachu’, Kuensel has quoted the female officer as saying. The decision said to be made by Dongkhag cultural officers during their sixth annual conference and brought to the public through Home Minister’s office has already gathered enough mosses of criticisms through social media.

Trend in the past There are already ample instances in which handful of officials brew the ideas, discuss closed doors, make laws locally and impose on the civilians and then present the falsified report before the King. They are never ashamed in misinforming the king that such ideas are wished by the people. There was a time all the farmers were mandated to wear Gho and Kira while working in the field even during the odd seasons, climbing the trees (dangerous from safety point of view) or working at the construction sites. It was then presented before the King as people’s wish. There were instances where people were forced to pay heavy fines for not complying with the locally coined laws. No receipts were issued as a proof of paying the fine. Later, His Majesty the king understood the sufferings of the people and simplified the use of gho and kira mandatory in or while visiting government offices and during public festivals of national importance and as school uniforms.

What people say Thinley Penjor, a former civil servant in Bhutan who currently lives in the US writes on his face book status, ‘In the 1970s, law was passed and repeated circulars were issued by the home minister for disallowing Bhutanese women to keep long hair and the royal families were not included to follow the rules. When civil servants holding higher portfolio and minister’s daughters took to showing their right to keeping long hair, all the rest of the women in Bhutan gradually followed the suite.’

Sangay Wangchuck, cultural officer in Tsirang dzongkhag is quoted by Kuensel on April 27,2016 as saying- ‘that they have started to implement the circular as soon as they received it. Tsirang dzongkhag female officials are allowed to wear only ada rachu (non-patterned or plain) which he said is strictly being monitored.’

Dorji Tshering, on his facebook wall writes, ‘We already have a clear, working way of distinguishing our Royals from commoners by the way Rachus are worn. So, then why do we do need another? Such a rule will not only destroy the livelihood of our hardworking weavers but will snuff out the much required creativity in our textile industry.’

Namgay Zam on her Facebook status updates, ‘Sometimes, I wish we would devote our time to doing more productive things like creating job opportunities and preventing Bhutanese from killing themselves by alcohol, drugs, and suicide. But, no! The patterns of our Rachu need immediate attention. Driglam Namzha is not cultural tyranny. What in the world are you thinking, especially in this day and age? (Now, I know it will also be some time before we do anything about alcohol abuse since it is such a big part of Bhutanese tradition and culture as well. It would be so wrong and against our culture to change our drinking habits!)

And what do we do with all our old rachus? Open a museum of rachus!!’

One of the former National Assembly members requesting anonymity told BNS that there are certain things in the country that do not fall under the radar of democracy. There are exceptions (but not mentioned in the constitution) that we care our Royal families more than anything else. As far as the circular on rachu is concerned-now the ball is on government’s court. Anything done bypassing the due procedure is sure to resonate and fall against the norms of the type of democracy we have. “I can only assume that who is going to bear the accountability of ‘liquidated’ money already invested on thousands of patterned rachu in the nation?”, he said.

What the constitution says on culture Article:4(2): “The State shall recognize culture as an evolving dynamic force and shall endeavor to strengthen and facilitate the continued evolution of traditional values and institutions that are sustainable as a progressive society.” Article: 4(4): “Parliament may enact such legislation as may be necessary to advance the cause of the cultural enrichment of Bhutanese society.”

In this case neither the move is in any sense an endeavor to strengthen and facilitate a progressive society, or even the spirit and desire of people as guaranteed by the constitution is respected nor the matter connected with half of the population is mentioned in the circular as discussed in the esteemed parliament.

Everyone’s eyes towards the Queen Patterned Rachu is directly linked to Her Majesty the Queen and female members in the royal family. For whatever reasons the so called dzongkhag cultural officers might have thought restricting common women from free choice of ‘rachu’, has now rested upon the queen. The queen has such a reverent profile in the nation and outside world for being an ideal woman figure. The queen has been showing her prolific care towards women by introducing epidural labor analgesia in the hospitals throughout the nation to allay the pain of women in labor.

Women from all walks of life now vest their trust on Her Majesty the Queen to nullify this irrelevant circular. Home Ministry should equally weigh if the move is at par with the constitution and doesn’t outweigh the bond between the King, Queen and the people.

Dzongkhag cultural officers’ flaws How can such a personality (queen) choose to discriminate half of the population to show pomp and power by privileged wearing of patterned Rachu by herself and royal women only? Dzongkhag cultural officers should have well considered the royal intent and parliamentary procedures prior to arrive such an impacting decision. This is obviously a quest for cheap popularity by these officials to draw royal attention.

Besides making such abrupt utopian decision these officers should have actually thought about addressing other genuine issues by means of cultural harmonization. Unemployment is killing citizens. Uncontrolled use of alcohol is sickening the entire nation. Corruption has become the cup of tea. Poor sewage management system has flooded the premises of schools and hospitals.

Dzongkhag cultural officials should educate people to speak-up against the age-old culture of corruption that has become the culture not to speak. Educate people not to bow down their heads to the knees while speaking their plea and grievances. Making someone speak with head stooped to the knees can never be claimed as cultural enrichment in the democracies.

Making women victims of handful of bureaucrats’ immature decision can never be a rational culture nor an essence related to the parameters of GNH. GNH should educate that culture where each individual speaks from heart and with head held high. The essence of GNH lies in the measure of women’s empowerment in all sectors of national development and educational enrichment.

Even after so many decades these fine lines of Rabindranath Tagore find relevance.

“….Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high…

Where words come out from the depth of truth…

Where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection…

Into ever-widening thought and action

Into that heaven of freedom, my Father, let my country awake.”

Senator Shaheen writes to PM Tobgay

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April 28, 2016

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Senator Jeanne Shaheen, member of the senate foreign relations committee sent a concern letter to Tshering Tobgay, Prime minister of Bhutan, through Bhutan’s permanent mission in New York April 25, 2016. The letter is confirmed received by the mission’s Kunzang Namgyal, according to an email received by BNS.

Suraj Budathoki, Executive Director- In International Campaign for Human Rights in Bhutan with US Senator Shaheen. — Suraj Budathoki, Executive Director- International Campaign for Human Rights in Bhutan with US Senator Shaheen.

The letter states the concern over human rights issue of the Lhotshampa people inside Bhutan and also the refugees in Nepal who want to return Bhutan. Calling for the PM’s attention on this matter, Senator Shaheen writes, “…to ask for your attention to a matter of importance to me and my constituents in the state of New Hampshire- that is the status of Bhutanese Lhotshampa refugees in the countries surrounding Bhutan, mainly Nepal, as well as the status of Lhotshampa who remain in Bhutan but are not afforded the same rights and privileges as your other citizens.”

In regard to the status of refugees in camps, Senator Shaheen writes, “I understand that our State Department is working with your government, the Nepalese government and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to find durable solution for these individuals that includes a mix of repatriation and local integration.”

According to Suraj Budathoki, the executive director of International Campaign for Human Rights in Bhutan, a great deal of advocacy and correspondence is involved in sending this letter to Bhutan through a senator serving in the foreign relations committee has been working with multiple senators at state level and in the White House to raise the cause of human rights issue in Bhutan.

On July 30, 1993 Congressional Human Rights Caucus of US House of Representatives had also written a letter to the fourth king Jigme Singye Wangchuck stating,’…we ask that your government do everything in its power to end any practice of pressuring ethnic Nepalese to leave their homes in Bhutan, and we ask that you work with the government of Nepal to facilitate to return to Bhutan who have been forced to flee..” It is believed that the letter played vital role and the eviction process was brought to an end. Otherwise, the home ministry’s order to southern administration was all destined to empty the districts inhabited by Lhotshampa.

Suraj is hoping to get a response from Bhutan, but he also hopes to resolve some pertinent human rights issues remaining even after resettlement is at the terminal point. The fight is for justice that has been denied for generations, per Suraj.

Suraj says, “Our attempt is also to open up a diplomatic relationship between Bhutan and the US.”

The letter to Bhutan’s PM does not mention anything about former visits by US officials including senator John McCain and undersecretary Maria Otero.

The letter also speaks on the travel of Bhutanese American to their ancestral land in Bhutan, asking the government to allow visa to the naturalized Bhutanese so that they can unite with their families left behind. BNS has learned that couple cases of visa application has been denied and the initial charges of application not returned.

Meanwhile Hillary Clinton’s letter to Suraj Budathoki mentions about continuing her unfinished task of defending human rights. It mentions- Issues specific to Bhutanese refugees were at the top of our bilateral agenda with Bhutan during my tenure as Secretary of State.

Suraj wrote to BNS, “Many of us who arrived here as refugees have now become citizens of this great country. We enjoy rights that we did not have in Bhutan. We admire efforts made by the US to encourage universal human rights around the world. While we are no longer in our country of origin, we deeply care about the happiness and rights of everyone in Bhutan and among those who were exiled. Senator Shaheen’s letter to Bhutan’s Prime Minister, we hope, is a step toward resolving the many issues that face us.”

Why the Bhutanese Refugee Oral History Project?

Opinion

Sam Vong

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February 16, 2023

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Why the Bhutanese Refugee Oral History Project?

In fall of 2019, I initiated a multi-year project called the “Nation of Sanctuary.” This project documents the histories of refugees resettled in the United States. Working on the project led me to North Carolina where I was interested in learning more about the work of refugee resettlement workers at the Carolina Refugee Resettlement Agency (CRRA).

In North Carolina I met the executive director Marsha Hirsch and one of her staff members Thakur Mishra, both of whom shared their knowledge and experience about working with refugee communities. I was especially interested in learning about new groups of refugees who have been resettled in North Carolina, such as the Bhutanese. Having learned that Mishra immigrated to the United States from Bhutan as a refugee, I arranged an extended meeting with him to hear his story.

In a two-hour long oral history interview, Mishra shared his powerful story of how he, as a child, was evicted from Bhutan along with his family in the early 1990s. He also recalled his experience as a journalist while living in a refugee camp in Nepal and provided a window into the everyday challenges that refugees in Nepal faced, experiences that are often not seen or heard by the public . A day after our interview, Mishra invited me to his home to show me a collection of photos, videos, and things that he thought might be of interest to the Smithsonian Institution.

The materials collected by Mishra over the years were astounding because they captured a rich history of migration, resettlement, and exile. It was evident that Mishra was passionate about archiving the stories and experiences of his community. What struck me after our meeting is that despite the sizable communities of Bhutanese who have settled in the United States their stories and their history of migration are unfamiliar to many people.

As a curator of Asian Pacific American History at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History (NMAH), I’ve had a longstanding interest in documenting the histories of various Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) groups. I am committed to bringing greater visibility to the Asian and Pacific Islander diasporas and representing the rich diversity of AAPI communities as inclusively as possible, especially groups that remain marginalized and underrepresented in the museum. I often consult and partner with community members when possible so that they may determine how their stories are told and shared with the public.

In 2021, in consultation with Mishra, I applied for a grant with the support of the Smithsonian’s Asian Pacific American Center and received funding to start an oral history project titled “The Bhutanese Oral History Project.” This project has three goals. The first is to create a space at the museum for members of the Bhutanese diaspora in the United States to share their stories and experiences in their own words on a national stage. The second goal is to engage community members through the process of co-curating and co-creating a collection of objects that could be used for public programs and future exhibitions. The third goal is to create educational resources for the Bhutanese communities so that they can share their stories with current youth and the future generation. Having immigrated to the United States as a refugee at two years old from Vietnam, I could understand and relate to the importance of sharing stories across generations and how young people are often shielded from their parents’ stories of migration.

I understood that such lofty goals required the partnership of Bhutanese community members who could direct, serve as consultants, and ultimately grow and sustain the project. To implement it, I brought aboard Mishra to serve as a community liaison and a consultant. His passion, experience, and deep knowledge of the Bhutanese diaspora has been crucial to every aspect of this project. I had not expected that the meeting with Mishra would grow into a year-long collaboration that has involved the generous contributions of numerous community members from across the diaspora. During our first phase of the pilot project, we successfully collected 23 oral history interviews, of which 9 are female and 13 are male narrators. Thus far, our method of identifying participants has been based on Mishra’s contacts in Charlotte, North Carolina and Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and whether participants were willing to share their time and stories with us. Before beginning any form of documentation, Mishra had preliminary dialogues with potential participants to explain the project and its goals and to ensure that people were comfortable with–and most importantly, consented to—sharing their stories.

While we categorize these dialogues as “interviews,” Mishra and I approached them as conversations in which we posed questions to guide the participant in telling their stories. Each narrator has been treated as an expert of their own experience, and I was there to create a space to facilitate their storytelling. The format of a semi-structured conversation is designed to respect and allow individuals to delve deeply into specific moments they want to elaborate on, while ensuring that we’re able to capture the breadth and dynamism of their life story.

Mishra and I have made a conscientious effort to include narrators from diverse backgrounds and age groups, with our youngest participant aged 21 and our oldest at age 91. Depending on the preference of the narrators, the interviews have been conducted in English and Nepali, with Mishra conducting the Nepali oral histories while I conducted the ones in English.

Additionally, Mishra and I recognize that gender is an important consideration in the interview process. As men, we are sensitive to how both men and women interact with us, and we are aware of the limits and privileges that our position as men affords us. Our goal in the future is to enlist a woman to conduct interviews and include more women and gender non-binary individuals as narrators.

Currently, we are in the process of transcribing and translating the interviews that have been collected. We will be hiring a native Nepali speaker who is able to understand different dialects and the history and geography of Bhutan to transcribe the interviews. The objective is to deposit the oral histories at the NMAH’s Archives Center where they will be stored and made available to the public for research and educational purposes.

In addition to the oral histories, narrators have also donated three-dimensional objects to the museum to accompany their stories. These objects include clothing and objects used in refugee camps, immigration documents, and personal photos, among other things. Together, these deeply personal objects will provide a visual history of the experiences of displacement, migration, and resettlement that words cannot always communicate.

Our goal for the future is to continue collecting more oral histories to develop a richer documentation of the multi-faced dimensions of the Bhutanese experience and to involve more community members to assist in co-curating the collection at the NMAH. I am most grateful for all the commitment and effort that has been contributed by narrators and those who have facilitated meetings and assisted with this project. I hope that readers and many more members of the Bhutanese diaspora will continue sharing their stories with NMAH and the public.

Dr. Sam Vong is the project director of the Bhutanese Refugee Oral History Project at the Smithsonian’s NMAH. He received his Ph.D. in History at Yale University. Prior to working at the Smithsonian, he was a professor at the University of Texas at Austin. __ Editor’s note — This piece has been simultaneously published here and at the Bhutan Jagaran monthly.

Bhutanese Stambha Nirman Samiti announces dissolution

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April 22, 2022

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Bhutanese Stambha Nirman Samiti announces dissolution

The Bhutanese Stambha Nirman Samiti which was announced in 2020 for the purpose of constructing a Bhutanese Memorial Tower at Kotihome, Jhapa Nepal has announced its dissolution on April 16, 2022. This committee, constituted of select members of the Bhutanese diaspora under the convenorship of Dr. Bhampa Rai was to collaborate with the local Nepalese Committee, Kankai Dharmik Vikash Sanstha, Kankaidham that was developing the Kotihome area as a religious and tourist destination. “As the Committee began deliberating on the specific details of the proposed Memorial Tower, it was deemed necessary that we would need a larger space within the proposed site to mark a proper representation and memorialization of our history. The local Nepalese Committee, Kankai Dharmik Vikash Sanstha, Kankaidham, however, expressed its inability to provide a larger space citing the reason that the proposed Bhutanese Stambha, being a part of a larger project at the site needed to be confined within the space and description they provided,” said a press statement sent to BNS. The statement further added that the “Bhutanese Stambha Nirman Samiti, upon objective study of the parameters laid down by the local Nepalese Committee and repeated deliberation on the requirement of a just and reasonable memorialization of our history, came to an informed conclusion that the size of the space and the description within which the Bhutanese Memorial Tower was required to be confined in, would be wholly inadequate to memorialize our history.” “We therefore concluded that space constraint and the attachment of other extended conditions would not be conducive for the construction of a tower of the intended historical signification,” added the statement. According to the press statement, the Bhutanese Stambha Nirman Samiti did not solicit or collect any funds from any sources. “As the Samiti stands dissolved, the question of further soliciting or raising funds in the name of Bhutanese Stambha Nirman Samiti does not arise,” added the statement.

Devi Bhakt Lamitare, who claimed himself as the ‘hidden hero of Bhutan’, passes away

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February 5, 2022

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Devi Bhakt Lamitare, who claimed himself as the ‘hidden hero of Bhutan’, passes away

Devi Bhakt, also famously known as DB Lamitare who was one of the founding members of the Bhutan State Congress, has died. He was 87. Lamitare, who claimed himself as the ‘Hidden Hero of Bhutan’ for raising voices against the Bhutanese regime since the 1950s, had been in exile in India since his youth. Unable to witness the regime’s cruelty in the brutal killing of Mahasur Chhetri, Lamitare decided to leave Bhutan in 1953 to start political advocacy for changes in Bhutan from India. “I am notifying you all with a heavy heart that the health of Swami Ji (Lamitare) deteriorated overnight and had to be taken to a local hospital where he breathed last,” one of his caretakers, who requested not to be named, informed BNS from India. According to this gentleman, Lamitare passed away on February 4 around 12:00 P.M. in Haridwar, India. The funeral was completed around 6:00 P.M. on the same day. One of Lamitare’s nephews, Ganga Lamitare from Columbus, OH, also confirmed those facts. “A historic chapter has ended,” said Ganga Lamitare over the phone. “We’ve not only lost one of our dearest uncles,but the Bhutanese community is void of a powerful leadership in his absence.” According to him, the entire Lamitare family members in the U.S. were discussing a proper way to archive and preserve over half a dozen books authored by late Lamitare. Likewise, in a social media post, Kashi Adhikari, one of Lamitare’s extended family members has also expressed deep sorrow. He also mentioned that late Lamitare had recently refused their joint offer for sponsorship for him to come to the United States. “Instead, he said he would continually live in Haridwar and fight for freedom in Bhutan until his last breath,” his post mentioned. Lamitare, who demonstrated mature leadership to the Bhutan State Congress particularly in the 1970s and 1980s, had access to corridors of power in India during that period. “In the emerging political development, we have lots of lessons to learn from his experience, particularly in organizing political activities in Bhutan considering the sensitive Indian environment,” said Dr DNS Dhakal, the acting president of the Bhutan National Democratic Party. Who Was DB Lamitare? Born in 1935 in Lapsibhote, Chirang as the third child of mother Hima Devi Lamitare and father Tika Ram Lamitare, the junior Lamitare quickly picked up the family mantle early in life from his dad and older brother who were prominent Hindu priests in the region. Learning alongside them, Lamitare got rigorous exposure to the teachings of Gita, Saptasati, Rudri, and the Vedas early in life before moving to the village of Silami to further his education, where he had the privilege of learning Sanskrit grammar, ethics, and Vedic teachings from the prominent religious scholar Kashi Nath Pyakurel. As an eloquent and gifted orator, Lamitare enjoyed debating on esoteric and philosophical topics and has won multiple “Debate Master” awards in universities across India. Lamitare was a graduate of Sampurnanand Sanskrit Vishwavidyalaya (formerly known as Varanaseya Sanskrit Vishwavidyalaya, and Government Sanskrit College) where he studied literature and philosophy. Lamitare was also an avid writer, although many of his writings have never been published. Among the ones that have left a mark on Bhutanese literature include: Dankido Bhutan, Murder of Democracy in Himalayan Kindgom, Bharat ki Kriti Himachal Darshan, Bharat ki Addhyatmik Bibhutiya aur Kumbha Parba, Santo ki mahatta au kumbha parba, Santo ki sansthaya au kumbha parba, Sikkim ki mukti kyu or kyase?, and ulcha hawa Himalaya. BMS to publish revised edition of ‘Dankido Bhutan’ The Bhutan Media Society, parent organization of this new site, said it’s posthumously publishing the fourth and revised edition of the ‘Dankido Bhutan’ in near future. A delegate of BMS who met Lamitare in 2012 in India had a formal agreement with the author to reprint his book in a revised edition. “We couldn’t meet our timeline to deliver the fourth edition before the author passed away,” regretted Binod Dhungel from Kathmandu. Dhungel is editing the revised edition of this book. According to Dhungel, the book is ready for publication pending the cover page. “We’ll wrap this up as soon as possible considering the sensitivity of this project,” he added. Lamitare had authored Dankido Bhutan, one of the powerful books that openly criticized the Bhutanese regime, was first published from India and widely distributed in Bhutan. It’s one of the first publications by the Bhutanese writer of Nepali-origin. The book was first published in 1970. _ Hem Rizal from the United States also contributed to this report.

Bhutanese refugees must not ‘blunder’ into Non-Residential Nepali status

Opinion

Dr. DNS Dhakal

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December 28, 2021

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Bhutanese refugees must not ‘blunder’ into Non-Residential Nepali status

Non-Resident Nepali (NRN) versus Non-Resident Bhutanese (NRB) status has been trending on social media recently after a group of resettled Bhutanese American entrepreneurs proposed that the Government of Nepal designate NRN status to the resettled Bhutanese diaspora.

As an economist, public policy analyst, and a political leader, I have been traveling the world and working on the human rights and political issues faced by those of southern Bhutanese origin, and I have learned a few things from my experience. With respect to fellow community leaders and entrepreneur’s efforts, I take this opportunity to share some critical information.

As former Bhutanese refugees, I feel we must advocate for NRB and not NRN status, and here is why.

In 2009 I met Rudra Nepal, Joint Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and I inquired about Nepal’s official position on the issue of resettled Bhutanese taking membership of the NRN organization. His official response was that Nepal cannot grant NRN status to the Lhotsampa community because the basis of their third country resettlement is on nationality. The passport of resettled Bhutanese records Bhutan as the country of origin, connoting that their root is in Bhutan.

Subsequently, I met Late Ronthong Kuenley Dorji, the President of the exile-based Druk National Congress (DNC). We discussed the creation of the NRB platform in which the resettled Bhutanese, and Bhutanese passport holders working from inside the country, could take membership. He supported the idea.

To advance the NRB agenda, in 2012, I met Nepal’s foreign policy experts Hiranya Lal Shrestha, Dr Prakash Chandra Lohani, Gangalal Tuladhar and others, and provided a high-level overview of the NRB identity. The take-away was that it was a good idea to pursue NRB status for the resettled Bhutanese community but whether or not Bhutan recognizes it depended upon unfolding political events.

Bhutan’s recognition of the NRB platform is tied to the resolution of the Bhutanese refugee problem. We need to constitute it, build it as an organization, and continue pressing Bhutan for its acceptance in the context of the broader Bhutanese diaspora. The NRB’s role is that of a bridge builder, establishing communication and dialogue between the exiled activist groups and the government of Bhutan. Its constitutional mandate needs to have that kind of orientation, serving as an informal embassy of Bhutan in the long-run.

The platform can operate in exile, it can lobby the Nepal government to extend facilities to NRB as given to NRN until Bhutan officially recognizes the former in its constitution, and it can continue to undertake diverse activities that could be mutually beneficial to Bhutan and the resettled Bhutanese. To achieve this, NRB can facilitate cultural programs involving the artists inside the country and those in resettled countries. It can invite prominent singers and cultural groups from Bhutan for cultural programs in the United States, Canada or Australia and involve the residential Bhutanese mission and local community in organizing such events.

NRB can also help the regional groups organize such activities, for example in Jaigoan, where the artists from India, Bhutan, Nepal and NRB can participate in the promotion of regional bonding and solidarity.

The presence of NRB will be felt through our positive contribution. A back of the envelope calculation estimates that our collective productivity is worth more than USD 3 billion, if we assume our average per capita income of USD 30,000. That is more than ten times the GDP of Bhutan at a per capita income of USD 3,000. In addition to our economic strength, we are slowly building soft power through our participation in politics and our efforts to succeed in education, business and finance.

Having said that, Bhutan is unlikely to take the dispersed population in its fold without testing the water. Once it decides, it will have to face the national debate, amend the 2008 constitution with due political process, and give NRB a place in Bhutanese society as Nepal has done to its NRN. This is possible only through a political process, a national reconciliation, and an elevated level of engagement with people inside the country.

Those of us who want to abandon our connection with Bhutan and seek entry into NRN membership will face a steep struggle because that requires the amendment of the Nepalese constitution. While the political lobbying in Kathmandu may give some publicity and bleed resources of the resettled Bhutanese, it is unlikely to deliver any concrete results because Nepal will have to address the concern of the entire Nepali diaspora who are citizens of India, Bhutan, Myanmar and Thailand. Nepal is unlikely to take that risk for the sake of resettled Bhutanese.

Although NRB is essential for the resettled Bhutanese, it does have many challenges before we actually get there. It is definitely a long, thorny and rough road, but if we stop and quit, we fail. If you look at the history of how other groups have regained their identities and learn from their resiliency and hope, we will certainly get what we want but we must keep on walking.

Once Dr. Martin Luther King said, “If you can’t fly, run, if you can’t run then walk, if you can’t walk then crawl, but whatever you do, you have to keep moving forward”. We just need to have a purpose, plan, and vision to attain any mission. But this does not happen in a vacuum. We need a larger team to represent a larger voice in order to be heard.

Some mini steps are being taken. Since 2012, a small group of us has been maintaining the NRB website to keep the issue alive. This agenda needs to have visionary youthful leadership for its establishment and continuous advocacy. Depending on which state the organization is registered in, the constitutional process needs to be democratic and follow international practice, for which it requires building up a critical mass for its support.

As a resettled Bhutanese community, we are seeking visibility; for that we are talking through different forums such as the Bhutan News Service, Bhutan News Network, Global Bhutanese Literature Organization, and so on. The time has come for us to form one platform which includes Bhutanese living and working overseas, whether they are from inside or resettled.

The NRB leadership should come from the resettled community since we make up almost one-sixth of Bhutan’s population. The generally accepted nomenclature would be NRB platform, as is the case in Nepal with NRN and in India with Non-Resident Indian (NRI). We need to study their constitution, the process of creating the platform, and the goal and objective we aspire to achieve. Let us begin the process in 2022.

At the very least, it would be a blunder on the part of the former Bhutanese refugees to seek NRN status with the Nepalese government.

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Dr. DNS Dhakal is a senior fellow with Duke University. He holds MPA from Harvard University and PhD from University of Colorado Boulder. The author is one among the few who initiated the concept of NRB in 2009.

Bhutan’s refugees between hope and despair

Opinion

Tek Nath Rizal

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December 10, 2021

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It has been a long time since the government of Bhutan washed its hands off the refugees it created, and their future. Most refugees who spent nearly two decades in camps in Nepal have been resettled in western countries, but there are still about 7,000 of us left in Nepal who are in limbo. The government of Nepal is renewing their refugee identity cards that are due to expire by mid-2022, and provide new IDs for 429 more refugees. This is a welcome decision, and a glimmer of hope in the camps in eastern Nepal. But many of these stateless people now lack a means of livelihood, and are in deep despair. It is not clear yet if Nepal will consider the plea of all Bhutan’s people here still awaiting recognition of their refugee status. Now that the governments of Bhutan and Nepal are in a more comfortable position to discuss bilateral issues, we in the refugee community expect Nepal to continue to engage the governments of Bhutan and India and the international community until the last stateless Bhutanese finds a home and livelihood. If Bhutan and Nepal have an agreement on resolving the refugee issue, they should implement it promptly. If not, the two governments must together approach India — after all, the refugees were transported from Bhutan to the Nepal border across Indian territory 30 years ago. It is an insult to the international justice system and insensitivity towards human suffering to keep people in the camp indefinitely. This delay in resolving the refugee problem is allowing the government in Thimphu to detain over 50 political prisoners indefinitely. Some of them have been incarcerated since 1990. I myself was tortured, physically and psychologically abused in Bhutan’s jails for over ten years. They employed mind-control mechanisms to ruin me mentally. They must be using the same techniques on the remaining prisoners, damaging their minds permanently. I have chronicled my experience in my autobiographies, especially the same methods of torture that were rampantly used by American and Soviet intelligence agencies during the cold war years. I know first hand of the pain and painful treatment of political prisoners in jails in Bhutan, locked up and isolated from the rest of the world, only taken out for menial work during harsh weather. Police arrested me during a visit here in 1989 and the Nepal government extradited me to Bhutan, labeled me a dangerous terrorist, framing me for many malicious crimes, some of which happened after my arrest and in which I had no involvement. They dragged me to court several times where they abused me physically and verbally, incarcerated me for a decade in wrongful and rigorous detention. Bhutan’s highest court finally declared me innocent. The king had announced that he would release me after the resolution of the refugee problem, in which I had no connection. This allowed them to delay my release. The Thimphu regime had labeled me a ringleader of the dissident movement. It was international outcry and continuous protests by human rights organisations that forced the Bhutan government to release me. Yet, the people who were arrested and jailed for being my followers are still behind the bars. There has been no similar international pressure to get them released. The political system of Bhutan has changed from an autocratic to democratic setup, three elections have taken place since the declaration of democracy in 2007, yet the people who asked for democratic changes in the old system are still in prison. They jailed dissidents for demanding democracy, yet absurdly, after the declaration of democracy those very people are still in detention. Representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Amnesty International visited a few prisons in Bhutan where political prisoners are detained. The visitors had assured the captives that they would facilitate a reunion with their families upon release. Those freed have found that their families in refugee camps in Nepal have all been resettled, and there is no word on their reunions. International human rights watchdogs have now stopped visiting the prisoners. Those released from Bhutan’s jails at different times, or those without proper documents to prove Bhutanese citizenship are still languishing in the refugee camps in Nepal. They have been appealing to the government of Nepal and the UNHCR to have them reunited with their families abroad, or be granted citizenship. The Nepal government announcement that it will issue IDs to 429 refugees has been a relief. But what is not sure is if it will also cover the Drukpa people of eastern and northern Bhutan. Besides the Nepali-speaking Lhotsampa, the Drukpa were evicted for being critical of the regime. The problem is that Nepal does not consider the Drukpa as refugees because of their ethnicity and their inability to speak Nepali. The Drukpa in the camps need special consideration to be recognised as Bhutan’s refugees too. There is also the issue of separated families, with some resettled in the US and other western countries, some still in refugee camps in Nepal and others back in Bhutan. The Thimphu government still perceives family reunions as a political threat, and is not allowing them. Abandoned by Nepal and Bhutan, many of the families resettled abroad are mentally traumatised by prolonged separation. Difficulty in adjusting to life in the West, ignorance about counseling, language issues and welfare have led many resettled Bhutanese to end their lives. The suicide rate among former refugees is tragically high, and is a neglected problem. Over 7,000 refugees in the refugee camps in Nepal await a resolution. Many are determined to go back to the homes they left behind in Bhutan 30 years ago. The refugee agencies supporting them in Nepal have stopped supplies, and there is pressure to assimilate into Nepali society. This strategy of dispersing and neglecting the refugees has buried the crisis, leaving the Thimphu regime the victor and allowing it to get away with this appalling act of ethnic cleansing of its own citizens. The governments of Bhutan and India have now barbed-wired their international border. While bilateral trade with Thimphu goes on, the border wall has stopped all travel by ordinary people on both sides of the border for their livelihood. In the name of security, the Bhutan government has confined its own people in an open prison with no access to the outside world. Abandoned by international watchdogs, by the Thimphu regime and by New Delhi, Bhutan’s refugees are nevertheless encouraged by the steps taken by the Nepal government on IDs. But we also expect it to find a holistic and just solution to facilitate family reunions with relatives, and a return to Bhutan to those who wish to do so. On Human Rights Day on 10 December, we urge international rights organisations to reopen their files and ask the Thimphu government to make public the list of all political prisoners and release them promptly. We demand that the governments of Bhutan and India lift physical restrictions and allow people freedom of movement. Tek Nath Rizal is a Bhutanese pro-democracy leader, and was Amnesty International’s Prisoner of Conscience. He has been living in Nepal since his release from Chamgang Prison in Bhutan in 1999. Editor’s note— this piece has been reproduced here with due permission from Nepali Times

GBO concludes its first convention, vows to support those left behind in Nepal

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December 6, 2021

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The Global Bhutanese Organization (GBO) has concluded its first annual convention in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania on November 27, 2021. The event was hosted by the Bhutanese Community in Harrisburg with an intention to assist GBO in its efforts to raise funds to run an education program for children living in two refugee camps in Nepal. Presenting the current activities of GBO, the president and the executive head, Mr. DB Rai projected an estimated budget to run ECDC early childhood education program in refugee camps in Nepal. A press release by the organization mentioned that GBO has facilitated and raised financial support in the amount of $43,467 to operate ECDC early childhood education program in Beldangi and Sanischare refugee camps. The financial contribution to operating the education program was made possible by former Bhutanese refugees resettled in nine countries around the world. The convention received updates from GBO representatives from 10 US states and 11 cities within these states. Additionally, GBO representatives from eight countries attended the event virtually. Among the virtual attendees include representatives from the two refugee camps and CARITAS, Nepal. Various local county and city representatives from the Harrisburg area attended the event. According to the press release dated 12/02/2021, a total of $12,899 was raised from many individuals and organizations who attended the event. The event also witnessed musical and literary performances from various artists from the Bhutanese communities in the US.

Global Bhutanese Organization (GBO) holding its annual convention in Harrisburg, PA

Community News

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November 26, 2021

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The Global Bhutanese Organization (GBO) is holding its first annual convention in Harrisburg, PA on November 27, 2021. The convention is being held in collaboration with the Bhutanese Community in Harrisburg. Speaking to BNS virtually, the president and the executive head of the organization, DB Rai said the convention is aimed to raise awareness of the plight of children living in the two refugee camps in Nepal, as well as to raise funds to fund their primary education. According to Rai, GBO has active members in nine countries around the globe. With donations from resettled Bhutanese around the world, GBO has managed to run primary schools in the refugee camps. The organization’s GoFundMe page has already collected more than $27,000 with the sole purpose of supporting education for the Bhutanese refugee children living in the two camps in Nepal.

Kamal Dhimal awarded Refugee Congress Excellence Award

Community News

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November 15, 2021

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Kamal Dhimal awarded Refugee Congress Excellence Award

Kamal Dhimal has been awarded a Refugee Congress Excellence Award for his outstanding and exemplary work in advocacy, community engagement, capacity building and mentorship. Dhimal was honored with the award at a virtual event celebrating Refugee Congress’ 10-year anniversary recently. “Congratulations to Kamal Dhimal for receiving the Refugee Congress Excellence Award,” said Lourena Gboeah, Chair of the Refugee Congress Board of Directors. “We appreciate the work that Kamal does for Refugee Congress and his community. This award, which is peer-nominated and selected, is a big honor.” Dhimal is a Refugee Congress Honorary Delegate. Dhimal has hosted regional conferences for Refugee Congress, connected with elected officials and community leaders to advocate for refugee and asylee communities and undertaken many initiatives in his community to assist during the COVID-19 pandemic. Refugee Congress is a national nonpartisan organization built and led by former refugees, asylum-seekers and other vulnerable migrants to promote the wellbeing and dignity of all vulnerable migrants. With members in all 50 states and the District of Columbia, Refugee Congress Delegates use their voices and experiences to inform and influence decision-makers on critical issues that affect their communities.

Rupesh Dhimal and Khem Mishra win Men’s Double Ping-Pong Championship

Community News

Bhuwan Gautam

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November 15, 2021

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Rupesh Dhimal and Khem Mishra win Men’s Double Ping-Pong Championship

Druk International Shito Ryu Karate Do Association, Inc (DISKA) successfully organized one-day pingpong men’s double championship on November 13 at it’s Harrisburg dozo. “Pingpong provides self-space for Bhutanese youths when they come and have fun, make connections, and ultimately develop support system and leadership. Youths are taking leadership roles in planning and executing the events”, said Robin Gurung who coordinated the event. Gurung further added that they hope to create environment for community development to mental health needs no therapeutic platform. “DISKA is more than just a community-based karate initiative. Youths are welcome to use the facility for any youth sports”, Ran Rai, DISKA founder and chief coach said. Thirty-six participants played. The registration fee of $25 was collected among the participants. According to Manish Chamling, nine hundred dollars from the event proceed will be donated to DISKA. Guru Subedi, CEO of Relevant Home Care, Parshu Adhikari, Sister’s grocery, Biswanath Chettri, and Kumar Subba had sponsored the event financially. Meantime, Dozo Guru Nim Dorji thanked participants and announced that men/womens single championship is scheduled for January 2022. Mr. Dorji also announced that DISKA will organize interstate pingpong competition in summer 2022. Robin Gurung/Mohan Adhikari took the third place. Prakash Pyakurel/Santosh Timsina were the runner-up.

तीन दशकदेखि भुटानी जेलमा राजबन्दी

देवेन्द्र भट्टराई

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October 29, 2021

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जयगाउँ, भारत — झापा, बेलडाँगीबाट झन्डै ५० किलोमिटर दूरीमा छ, नेपाल–भारतको पूर्वी सीमा, काँकडभिट्टा नाका । नेपाली सरहद पार गरेर झन्डै १८० किमि पार गरेपछि पुगिन्छ भारत र भुटानबीचको जयगाउँ फुन्चोलिङ नाका । फुन्चोलिङबाट झन्डै १५० किलोमिटर पर छ, भुटानको राजधानी थिम्पु । थिम्पु नाघेर पुगिन्छ चेम्गाङ जेल । त्यही जेलमा वर्षौंदेखि थुनिएका छोरा भेट्न बेलडाँगीको शरणार्थी शिविरबाट धाइरहेका छन्, बाआमा ।

फुन्चोलिङसम्म पुग्ने दुई दर्जनभन्दा बढी आफन्तको ताँतीमा उभिएकी छन्, ६० वर्षीया डम्बरकुमारी अधिकारी । उनी फुन्चोलिङ–जयगाउँ नाकाको यही बाटो भएर ३० वर्षअघि देशनिकालामा परेकी थिइन् । डम्बरकुमारी यही बिन्दुमा चेम्गाङ जेलमा १३ वर्षदेखि रहेको एक्लो छोरो ओमनाथसँग भेट गराइपाऊँ भन्दै ‘बिन्ती’ गर्न आएकी हुन् । यसरी बिन्ती गर्दा भुटानी प्रहरी–प्रशासनले कहिले सुनुवाइ गर्छ तर धेरैजसो सुनेको नसुन्यै । ‘फुन्चोलिङ ढोकामा मात्रै उभिन पाउँदा पनि छोराको नजिकै पुगे जस्तो हुन्छ,’ डम्बरकुमारीले भनिन् ।

भुटानको केन्द्रीय तहको चेम्गाङ जेल थिम्पुबाट ७ किमि टाढा छ । सेनाका थुना केन्द्रहरूसहित अन्य डेढ दर्जन जेलको वस्तुस्थितिबारे त अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय रेडक्रस पनि बेखबर छ । दुईपक्षीय सहमतिमा रेडक्रसले चेम्गाङ जेलको भ्रमण गर्न पाएको थियो तर त्यसमा पनि एक दशकदेखि बन्देज लगाइएको छ । भुटानका जेलमा कति नेपालीभाषी थुनिएका छन् भन्ने आधिकारिक तथ्यांक कतै छैन । चेम्गाङमा ३० जनाभन्दा बढी ‘राजबन्दी’ छन् । तीमध्ये अधिकांशलाई आजीवन कैद तोकिएको छ । सन् १९९० को दशकमा भुटान सरकारले दक्षिणी भेगमा रहेका नेपालीभाषी (ल्होत्साम्पा) माथि सुरु गरेको ‘जातीय सफाया’ का क्रममा कैयौं पक्राउ परेका थिए । त्यसयता सन् २०१४ सम्मै नेपालीभाषीलाई पक्राउ गरेर जेलमा राखिएको सूचना छ । यसबीचमा कतिपय कैद सजाय पूरा गरेर नेपालका शरणार्थी शिविर आइपुगेका छन् भने ब्रह्मलाल अधिकारी, विश्वनाथ क्षत्री, देवदत्त शर्मा काफ्ले, भक्ति भण्डारी, रतन गजमेर, आरके घले, आईबी क्षत्री, जोगेन गजमेर र सुशील पोखरेललगायत भने पुनर्बसोबासमा विभिन्न मुलुकमै पुगिसकेका छन् ।

सन् ९० को दशकबाट एक लाखभन्दा बढी भुटानी नागरिक शरणार्थी बनेरै नेपाल आइपुगेको वृत्तान्त ‘इतिहास’ बनिसकेको छ । नेपाल आएकामध्ये करिब ७ हजारबाहेक सबैजसो बाहिरी विश्वमा पुनर्वासमा गइसकेका छन् । शरणार्थीलाई खाद्यान्न, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्यको भरथेग र उनीहरूको भाग्य तथा पहिचान निर्धारण गर्न भनेर आएका राष्ट्रसंघीय शरणार्थी आयोग, विश्व खाद्य कार्यक्रम, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय आप्रवासन संगठन (आईओएम) जस्ता निकाय शरणार्थी शिविरबाट बाटो लागिसकेका छन् । अमेरिकाको विदेश मन्त्रालयले निकाल्ने वार्षिक मानवअधिकार प्रतिवेदनमा ‘भुटानभित्रको मानवअधिकार र न्यायिक प्रवर्द्धन सन्तोषजनक रहेको’ भन्दै स्याबासी आउन थालिसकेको छ । भुटानभित्र राजनीतिक उथलपुथल ल्याउनमा ‘कारक’ बनाएर निर्दोष आमनागरिकलाई भने कैदमै राखिएको छ, जसबारे न शरणार्थीको ‘आश्रयदाता मुलुक’ नेपालले केही बोल्ने गरेको छ, न बाहिरी विश्वका मञ्चहरूमा कहींकतै कसैको आवाज सुनिन्छ ।

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दुई वर्षअघि ‘चेम्गाङ’ बाट छुटेर आएका एक कैदीले भुटानी अधिकारवादी नेता टेकनाथ रिजालका हातमा केही थान तस्बिर थमाए, जसमध्ये एउटामा थियो, भित्तामा कुँदिएको गीतामन्त्र । ती कैदीले जेलभित्र रहेका साथीभाइको सन्चो–बिसन्चो त सुनाए नै, चेम्गाङको ती कोठा, भित्ता र वरपरको सजीव दृश्य देखाएर जेल जीवनको आफ्नै इतिहासमा नेता रिजाललाई समेत छिराइदिए । सन् १९८९ देखि एक दशक भुटानी जेलमा कैदी जीवन बिताएका रिजालले नै चेम्गाङ जेलको भित्तामा गीतामन्त्र कोरेका थिए । ‘जेलमा छँदा नेपालका शरणार्थी शिविरमा रहेका आफन्त बितेको खबर ढिलो गरी पाइन्थ्यो, भुटानभित्रै पनि कतै कुटिएका र मारिएका नेपालीभाषीबारे थाहा हुन्थ्यो,’ रिजालले सुनाए । उनले भने, ‘तिनै दिवंगत आत्माको शान्तिका लागि र आपत्विपत्मा धैर्य हुनलाई त्यही गीतामन्त्र लेखिएको भित्तो छेवैमा उभिएर हामी प्रार्थना गर्थ्यौं । आज पनि त्यस भित्तोमा मन्त्र यथावत् रहेको देखेर म विह्वल बनें, वर्षौंदेखि जेलभित्र रहेका कैदीको उन्मुक्तिको प्रार्थना गरें ।’ रिजालले आफू जेल छँदाका साथीभाइ सम्झिए— गंगाराम ढकाल, रामबहादुर राई, भक्तबहादुर राई, हर्कबहादुर गुरुङ, प्रकाश मगर, छेवाङ रिन्जिन आदि । यी सबै झन्डै ३० वर्षदेखि चेम्गाङमा राजनीतिक बन्दी भएरै थुनिएका छन्, जसका बारे बाहिरी संसार ‘बेखबर’ जत्तिकै छ । ‘यातना चर्को थियो’ भुटान, साम्चीका मनबहादुर खालिङ राई २१ वर्ष ३ महिनासम्म चेम्गाङ जेलमा थुनिएर जब परिवार भेट्न दमकको शरणार्थी शिविर आइपुगे । शिविरमा न थिइन् श्रीमती, न छोराछोरी । उनका आमा, भाइबहिनी नेदरल्यान्ड्स पुगिसकेका थिए, तीन छोरा अमेरिका । ‘सन् २०१७ को सुरुवातमा म यता आउँदा शरणार्थी दर्ता गर्ने चलन हटिसकेको थियो । म न शरणार्थी सूचीमै दर्तामा परें, न विदेशै जान सकें,’ दमकको बेलडाँगी शिविर थ्रीको सेक्टर ए–वान, ४३ छाप्रोमा भेटिएका मनबहादुरले सुनाए, ‘मसँग अहिले आईसीआरसीले दिएको चेम्गाङ थुनासम्बन्धी प्रमाणमात्रै छ ।’ सन् १९९२ मा शरणार्थी शिविर आइपुगेका मनबहादुर तीन वर्षपछि जरुरी काम परेर आफन्त भेट्न भुटान गएका थिए । भुटान छिर्नासाथ ‘विगतमा राजनीतिक गतिविधिमा लागेको’ भन्दै पक्रेर उनलाई थुनामा हालिएको थियो । ५० वर्षे टेकबहादुर मगर बेलडाँगी–२ को डी ४५२७ छाप्रो छेवैमा टहलिरहेका भेटिए । उनी पनि २४ वर्षसम्म चेम्गाङ जेलमा थुनिएर सन् २०१६ को अन्त्यमा आफन्त खोज्दै बेलडाँगी शिविर आएका रहेछन् । ‘हाम्रो परिवार सन् १९९२ को सुरुवातमै शरणार्थी बनेर नेपाल आएको थियो, ६ महिनापछि फुपू भेट्न भुटान गएको थिएँ । एकाएक पक्राउमा परें, के किन भन्ने अवस्थै रहेन,’ उनले सुनाए । जेलमै छँदा एकपटक टेकबहादुरलाई भेट्न उनकी आमा चेम्गाङ पुगेकी थिइन्, अरू आफन्त कोही कहिल्यै भेटिएनन् । जेलबाट निस्केर आउँदा आमाबासहित सबै अमेरिका उडिसकेका थिए । ‘आज म एक्लो छु । जीवन जिउने आधार छैन,’ टेकबहादुरले भने । टेकबहादुरका अनुसार चेम्गाङ जेलमा अहिले पनि मधुकर, मणिराज, रामबहादुर, ओमनाथलगायत छन् । अरू पनि दुई दर्जनभन्दा बढी नेपालीभाषी वर्षौंदेखि थुनिएका छन् । सुरुमा थुनामा पर्दा पाँच केजीको फलामे रड खुट्टामा बाँधिदिई त्यसैमा उनेर जीउमा साङ्लो बाँधिएको ‘यातना’ टेकबहादुरले भुल्न सकेका छैनन् । सन् १९९४ मा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय रेडक्रस (आईसीआरसी) भुटान छिरेपछि मात्रै चेम्गाङ जेलमा कैदीले अलिक सहज जीवन जिउन पाए । ‘सुरुमा यातना चर्को थियो,’ उनले सुनाए, ‘दिउँसो भवन बनाउने, ढुंगा बोक्ने काम लगाउँथे । पाकेको र केलाएको चामल कहिल्यै खान पाइएन ।’ भुटानको साम्ची, गोलाबजारमा जन्मे–हुर्केका दिलकुमार राई ‘जातीय ज्यादती’ खप्न नसकेर सन् १९९५ मा नेपाल आइपुगेका थिए । बुबा जहरसिंह र आमा सरुमा राईको साथ लागेर नेपाल छिरेका उनी ‘शरणार्थी चिनारी’ मा बेलडाँगी शिविरमा भेटिए । यता आएको १ वर्षपछि आफन्त भेट्न भुटान गएका बेला उनी सिब्सुबाट पक्राउ परे । उनलाई प्रहरी–प्रशासनले अरूलाई झैं ‘उग्रवादी–आतंकवादी’ को अभियोग लगायो अनि २० वर्ष ११ महिना चेम्गाङ जेलमा थुन्यो । ‘२०१७ अक्टोबरमा म छुटेर बेलडाँगी आउँदा मेरो कोही थिएन,’ बेलडाँगी थ्री, १९८ छाप्रोमा भेटिएका ५७ वर्षे दिलकुमारले भने । उनका परिवारजन अमेरिका गइसकेका छन् । उनले थपे, ‘आज एक्लै छु । साथमा शरणार्थी परिचय पत्र छ तर जिउने आधार केही छैन ।’ सन् १९९६ नोभेम्बर २२ मा पक्राउ परेका उनी झन्डै एक वर्ष थिम्पुको जिल्ला जेल र त्यसपछि चेम्गाङ जेलमा थुनिएका थिए । ‘चेम्गाङ पुग्दैखेरि आईसीआरसी दर्तामा म २५३ नम्बरको कैदी बनेको थिएँ,’ उनले सुनाए, ‘म जेलबाट निस्कँदा झन्डै ३० जना राजबन्दी चेम्गाङमै थिए ।’ भुटानको जेलमा आईसीआरसीको भ्रमण सुरु भएपछि कैदीहरूको जीवनयापन केही सहज भए पनि ‘नदेखिने यातना’ आफूले समेत बेहोरेको उनले सुनाए । ‘सरकारले भनेको काम गर्नुपर्थ्यो । राति सुत्ने कोठामा बाहिरबाट ताल्चा लगाइने हुनाले एउटा प्लास्टिकको बकेटमा दिसापिसाब गर्थ्यौं, बिहान बाहिर फाल्थ्यौं,’ उनले सुनाए । आईसीआरसीका प्रतिनिधि जेलमा भेट्न आउँदा ‘जेलबाट छुटेर आउनुभयो भने परिवारसँग मिलन गराउछौं’ भनेर आश्वासन दिन्थे जुन कुरा दिलकुमार कहीं गएर उठाउन चाहन्छन् । तर यस्तो न्यायिक सरोकार सुनिदिने निकाय आज शिविरमा एउटै छैन, न गुनासो टिप्ने संयन्त्रै कतै छ । बेलडाँगी, सेक्टर डी वान, ८८ नम्बर छाप्रोमा बस्ने रुद्रबहादुर कार्की ६५ वर्ष लागे । सन् १९९० अन्त्यतिर भुटानको सर्वाङ, पिन्खुवामा बसोबास रहेकै बेला रुद्रबहादुर र उनका भाइ चन्द्रबहादुरलाई प्रहरी–प्रशासनले पक्राउ गरेको थियो । ‘हूलमूलमा लाग्न खोजेको, राजनीति गरेको’ जस्ता सनातनी अभियोग लगाएर झन्डै ११ महिना सर्वाङ जिल्ला जेलमा थुनेपछि रुद्रबहादुरलाई छुट्कारा दिइयो । त्यसपछि उनले बेलडाँगी शिविरमा आएर श्रीमती, छोराछोरी भेट्न पाए । चन्द्रबहादुर १८ महिना जेल बसेर नेपाल आउन सके । चन्द्रबहादुर सपरिवार अमेरिका पुनर्बासमा गइसकेका छन् । ‘मेरा एउटा छोरा, छोरी र श्रीमती अस्ट्रेलियामा छन्, एउटा छोरा अमेरिकामा छ,’ रुद्रबहादुरले भने, ‘बाहिर जाने प्रक्रिया चलेका बेला मेरी रोगी आमा मसँगै हुनुहुन्थ्यो, उहाँले आफ्नो अन्तिम दिन नेपालमै बिताउन चाहनुभयो । म आमाका लागि बसें । पछि म एक्लै यता रहें ।’ बुबा र तीन छोरा सँगै जेलमा भुटानको दागाना मूलघर भएका ७४ वर्षीय मंगलध्वज सुब्बा सन् १९९० को मध्यतिर मिर्चुलाबाट पक्राउ परेका थिए, उनका तीन छोरा पनि सँगै समातिए । ‘तँ पार्टीमा लागेको रैछस् भनेरै प्रहरीले कुटपिट गर्न थाल्यो,’ ७४ वर्षीय मंगलध्वजले सुनाए, ‘ज्यान जोगाउन हो, म लागेकै थिएँ भन्नैपर्‍यो ।’ उनको जेठो छोरो धनराज १० महिनामै जेलमुक्त भए । मंगलध्वज ८ वर्ष जेल बसेर निस्किए । अरू दुई धनबहादुर र रणबहादुरले साढे ८ वर्ष चेम्गाङमै थुना काटेपछि ‘क्षमादान’ पाए । ‘जेलबाट निस्केर शरणार्थी बनेर नेपाल आयौं । पछि परिवारका सबै विदेश गए । म त बरु आफ्नै देश (भुटान) खुल्यो भने दागाना नै जान चाहन्छु,’ उनले भने । दागानाकै शान्तिराम आचार्य चेम्गाङ जेलमा ७ वर्ष थुनिएर २०१४ जुनमा नेपाल आइपुगे । सन् १९९२ मार्चमा झापाको माईधार हुँदै बेलडाँगी आएर बस्न थालेको आचार्य परिवारका केही आफन्त भुटानमै छुटेका थिए । ‘म २००७ जनवरीमा मामा भेट्न भुटान गएका बेला अनाहकको राजनीतिक अभियोगमा समातिएँ,’ शान्तिरामले सुनाए, ‘जेलमुक्त भएर बेलडाँगी आइपुग्दा आफन्त कोही थिएनन् ।’ अर्थात् आफन्त तेस्रो देश गइसकेका थिए । आईसीआरसीलगायतसँग शान्तिरामको पनि सरोकार छ— ‘जेलबाट निस्कनासाथ परिवारसँग मिलन गराइनेछ भनेर किन आश्वासन दिइयो ? परिवारलाई किन ललाइफकाई विदेश लगियो ? हामीलाई किन अलपत्र छाडियो ?’ छोरो आउने आस बेलडाँगी शिविरको बाङ्गे चौतारोनजिकै ‘शरणार्थी आमा’ को घर छ । काठमाडौंको आईसीआरसी होस् वा शरणार्थी आयोग, शरणार्थी मामलामा कतै केही सोधपुछ गर्नुपर्‍यो भने ‘शरणार्थी आमा’ लाई सम्झिहाल्छन् ‘फोकल पर्सन’ का रूपमा । भुटानको दागानामा जन्मे–हुर्केकी डम्बरकुमारी अधिकारी सन् १९९२ अप्रिलमा ससाना छोराछोरी लिएर शरणार्थी हूलमा मिसिएकी थिइन् । ‘लौ, आन्दोलन उठ्यो अरे’ भन्दै गाउँका बाठाटाठाले गाउँ छाड्न थालेपछि डम्बरकुमारी निस्किएकी थिइन् । उनका श्रीमान् भुटानमै बितेका थिए । सन् २००८ मार्चमा आफ्नो थातथलो हेर्न हिँडेका उनका छोरा ओमनाथसहित ११ जना शरणार्थी युवा भुटानको साम्जोङ्खर बोर्डरमा पक्राउ परे । पक्राउ परेका अन्यमा बिर्खबहादुर क्षेत्री, हस्तबहादुर राई, सन्मान गुरुङ, चतुरमान तामाङ, नन्दलाल बस्नेत, गोविन्द निरौला, आइतराज राई, खगेन्द्र खनाल, सुकमान मगर र कुमार गौतम थिए । ‘देशद्रोही, आतंककारी र राजनीतिक उपद्रवकारी’ को अभियोग लगाइएका उनीहरू चेम्गाङ जेलमा आजीवन कारावासको सजाय कटाउँदै छन् । सन् १९९२ मा भुटानबाट लखेटिएपछि बेलडाँगी शिविरमै बस्दै आएकी ५७ वर्षीया कलावती मगर पनि चेम्गाङ जेलमा रहेको छोरो सुकमानलाई सम्झिरहेकी हुन्छिन् । उनी डम्बरकुमारीसँगै छोरो भेट्न थुप्रैचोटि चेम्गाङ पुगेकी छन् । ‘कहिलेसम्म जेलमा राख्छ, थाहा छैन,’ कलावतीले भनिन् । श्रीमान् नरबहादुर र कान्छो छोरो सञ्जीवसँग शिविरमै बसिरहेकी कलावती अरू चिनेजानेकाहरू तेस्रो देश जान थालेपछि विचलित बनेकी थिइन् । ‘त्यही छोरो आउला र विदेश जाऔंला भन्ने हो, तर पार लाग्ने देखिँदैन,’ उनले भनिन् । सुकमानका श्रीमती र छोरीहरू भने अमेरिका गइसकेका छन् । भुटानको गेलेफुबाट नेपाल आउँदा दलवीर राईका साथमा दुई छोरा र श्रीमती पनि थिए । जेठो छोरा भक्तबहादुर भुटानको जेलमा थुनिएको २८ वर्ष भइसकेको छ । ‘नानी फर्केर आउला अनि सँगै विदेश जाउँला भनेर पर्खिबसेका छौं,’ दाहिने आँखाको क्यान्सर भएका ८२ वर्षीय दलवीरले भने । बाबुलाई रुँघेर र दाजु जेलबाट फर्की आउला भन्ने आशामा बसिरहेका इन्द्रबहादुर राई तीन पटक चेम्गाङ पुगेका छन् । सन् १९९३, अक्टोबर २ मा भुटानी सरकारको मुखपत्र ‘क्युनसेल’ ले अन्तिम पृष्ठमा भक्तबहादुरको तस्बिरसहित समाचार छापेको छ, जसको शीर्षक छ– ‘पुलिसले वाञ्छित आतंककारी पक्रियो’ । समाचारमा उनलाई चोरी गरेको, व्यक्तिहत्या गरेको, बलात्कारमा संलग्न रहेको जस्ता विभिन्न आरोप लगाइएको छ । संयोग के छ भने, त्यही अंकको प्रथम पृष्ठमा ‘नेपाल वार्ताका विषयमा गृहमन्त्री आशावादी’ शीर्षकमा समाचार छ । समाचारमा उल्लेख छ— ‘भुटानी गृहमन्त्री ल्होन्पो दागो छिरिङ नेपालको पूर्वी तराईमा रहेका क्याम्पहरूमा रहने व्यक्तिहरूको पहिचानका लागि गठित मन्त्रीस्तरीय बैठकमा तीन सदस्यीय भुटानी प्रतिनिधिमण्डलको नेतृत्व गरेर काठमाडौंतर्फ जाँदै हुनुहुन्छ ।’ सुपारी बेच्न जाँदा जेल सर्वाङ, डाँडागाउँका नरबहादुर मगर आमाबाबु, दाइभाउजू, श्रीमती, छोराछोरीसहित सन् १९९१ मा नेपाल आइपुगे । बेलडाँगी, बी ३, छाप्रो नम्बर २५५ मा भेटिएका उनले सुनाए, ‘भुटानमा हाम्रो गुवा (सुपारी) बगान थियो, त्यही बेचबिखनमा दाजु मधुकर सन् १९९४ मा फेरि भुटान छिरेका थिए, उतै पक्राउ खाएर चेम्गाङ जेलमै छन् ।’ यसबीचमा परिवारको भरपोषणका लागि नरबहादुर स्याङ्जातिर सडकको काम गर्न गए । केही वर्षपछि फर्कंदा परिवारका अरू सबै अमेरिका उडिसकेका थिए । अहिले न उनलाई भुटान जेलमा रहेका दाजुकै पछिल्लो स्थिति थाहा छ, न अमेरिकामा रहेका घरपरिवारै सम्पर्कमा छन् । गंगालाल गुरुङको ९ जनाको परिवार सन् १९९२ मा नेपाल आइपुगेको थियो । सन् २००८ मा एसएलसी परीक्षा सकेपछि उनका भाइ सन्मान घुम्न निस्किएका थिए । अरू शरणार्थी युवासहित भुटानमा उनी पक्राउ परेको खबर आयो । ‘रेडक्रसको सहयोग लिएर मैले बाबुलाई पनि चेम्गाङ जेलमा छोरो भेटाउन लगें, म पनि गइरहेको हुन्छु,’ गंगालालले सुनाए । उनका बुबाआमा र अरू भाइ विदेश गइसकेका छन् । ‘भाइले मलाई पर्खेर लिएरै विदेश जानू भनेको छ,’ गंगालालले सुनाए । कैद सजाय ४३ वर्ष ? लक्ष्मी पुलामीको परिवार सन् १९९१ मा सर्वाङबाट नेपाल आइपुग्यो । उनका बाबु बेलडाँगी शिविरमै बिते, आमाले पुनर्बासमा गएर अमेरिकामा अन्तिम सास फेरिन् । दुई दाजुभाइ भुटानभित्रै गरिखाँदै छन् । ‘मेरो दाजु डम्बरसिंह भने २१ वर्षयता चेम्गाङ जेलमा थुनिएका छन्,’ लक्ष्मीले सुनाइन्, ‘मसँग शरणार्थी परिचयपत्र नभएका कारण दाजु भेट्न पनि पाएकी छैन ।’ कुनै अदालती प्रक्रिया र पद्धतिबाट कारागार अवधि नतोकिने भुटानमा अधिकांश कैदीलाई ‘आजीवन कारावास’ भनिएको छ । कसैलाई भने चार पटकसम्मको आजीवन कारावाससमेत भनिएको छ । सामान्यतः एक पटकको आजीवन कारावास १५ वर्षको हुने भनिए पनि डम्बरसिंहका हकमा प्राप्त चार्ज सिटमा ‘४३ वर्ष कारागार’ तोकिएको छ । भुटान ह्युमन राइट वाच र भुटानमा थुनिएका राजबन्दीको रिहाइ अभियानले उपलब्ध गराएको सूचीमा मणिकुमार प्रधानलाई ४३ वर्ष थुना अवधि भनिएको छ । ५८ वर्षीय डम्बरकी श्रीमती सावित्रा, छोरा–बुहारी र छोरी तेस्रो देश पुनर्बासमा गइसकेका छन् । हाल अमेरिकाको पेन्सिलभिनिया राज्यमा रहेकी सावित्राले फोनमा भनिन्, ‘हामी झापाको टिमाईमा १९९२ तिर आइपुगेर बसेका थियौं । पछि छोराहरू बढ्दै गएपछि खर्चबर्चको जोहो गर्न सन् २००१ को अन्त्यतिर श्रीमान् भुटान जानुभएको थियो । उता हाम्रो सुपारी ठेक्काको काम थियो । दाजुहरूको पसल थियो । श्रीमान् एकैचोटि चेम्गाङ जेलमा पो थुनिएका छन् रे भन्ने सुन्यौं ।’ सावित्राले नेपाल छँदै रेडक्रसको सहयोगमा चेम्गाङ गएर श्रीमान् डम्बरलाई पाँच पटक भेटेकी थिइन् । ५५ वर्षीया उनले भनिन्, ‘छोराछोरीको भविष्यकै निम्ति अमेरिका आउने निधो गर्नुपर्‍यो । सन् २०११ मा हामी नेपालबाट यता आएपछि श्रीमान्बारे कुनै सूचना पाएकी छैन । कुनै दिन त भेट होला नि भनेर प्रार्थना गर्दै बसिरहेकी छु ।’ बेलडाँगी–२ कै २७२ नम्बर छाप्रोमा बस्ने ६८ वर्षीय नरपति र ६४ वर्षीया देउमाया खनालका माइलो छोरो खगेन्द्र पनि भक्तबहादुर सन्मानसँगै २००८ मा भुटानमा पक्राउ परेर चेम्गाङमा राखिएका छन् । ‘चेम्गाङको ब्लक–४ मा दाइ बस्छन्, बुबा छोरो भेट्न एकपटक जानुभो, म चार पटक गैसकें,’ खगेन्द्रकी बहिनी उमादेवीले भनिन्, ‘दाजुले हामीलाई मिलेसम्म तेस्रो देश जानू भन्नुहुन्छ । तर बाआमाले छोरो नआई कतै नजाने भनेर यतै बसिरहेका छौं ।’ खनाल दम्पतीको एक छोरो अस्ट्रेलिया र अर्को क्यानडा बसोबासमा पुगेका छन् । आफन्त भेट्न जाँदा जेलको पाहुना–घरमा चार रात, तीन दिन बस्न पाइन्छ । तर आफन्त कैदीले के खान्छन्, कसरी बस्छन् वा के गर्छन् भन्ने हेर्नै पाइँदैन । ‘हाम्रो मोबाइल, पैसा, ब्याग जेलकै गेटमा राखिएको हुन्छ । भित्र पकाएको खानेकुरा लैजान पाइन्न, कम्पनी प्याक भएको खानेकुरा मात्रै परीक्षणपछि लैजान पाइन्छ,’ उमादेवीले सुनाइन्, ‘हामीलाई राखिएकै पाहुनाघरमा दाजुहरूलाई ल्याइन्छ । केही दिन त्यहीं सँगै बस्छौं ।’ टेकनाथका साथी अझै जेलमा भुटानी अधिकारवादी नेता टेकनाथ रिजाल २४ वर्षअघि चेम्गाङ जेलमा छँदा उनका साथी थिए गंगाराम ढकाल । अझै जेलमै रहेका ढकाललाई भेट्न उनकी बहिनी तुलसा रिमाल बेलामौका चेम्गाङ पुग्छिन् । गंगारामको सजाय ‘लाइफ इम्प्रिजनमेन्ट’ (आजीवन कैद) भनिएको छ । ‘त्यहाँ १६ जनालाई जीवनभरको सजाय छ रे,’ बेलडाँगी टु, सेक्टर सी–वान, छाप्रो नम्बर १२७ मा भेटिएकी तुलसाले भनिन्, ‘२२ वर्षे उमेरमा थुना परेका दाजु ५२ वर्षका भइसके ।’ साम्दुक जोङ्खर जेल तेन्जिङ गावा जाङ्पो २००९/आजीवन मोंगर जेल युगेन पेल्देन २००९/१४ वर्ष । (पूर्वी भुटानमा विद्रोही बनेका भिक्षुहरूलाई समेत मोंगर जेलमा राखिएको छ ।) पारो ‘ओएपी’ डेचेन वाङ्मो २००९ अक्टोबर ९/१५ वर्ष (फुन्चोलिङस्थित एक निजी स्कुलमा प्रिन्सिपल रहेकी डेचेन वाङ्मोलाई सन् २००९ यता पारोको ‘ओपन एयर प्रिजन’मा राखिएको छ । राष्ट्रसंघीय मानवअधिकार रिपोर्ट (२०११) मा समेत उल्लेख गरिएकी वाङ्मो ड्रूक नेशनल कंग्रेससँग सम्पर्कमा रहेको आधार देखाएर भुटानको गृह मन्त्रालयको निर्देशनमा ‘पक्राउ पुर्जीबिनै’ हिरासतमा लिइएको जनाइएको छ । राजनीतिक गतिविधिमा लागेको भन्दै उनलाई १५ वर्षको सजाय दिइएको छ ।) राबुना (सैन्य) थुना

प्रेम राई
मधुलाल बुढाथोकी
लोकबहादुर घले
रामलाल राव
कुमार राई
विष्णु राई
शबहादुर गुरुङ
किन्ले ग्याल्टसेन
एमबी भुजेल
लोकनाथ आचार्य (२०१४)

९० को दशकमा दक्षिणी भुटानमा राजनीतिक उथलपुथल भएपछि टाठाबाठा नेपालीभाषीमाथि प्रहरी–प्रशासनले ‘निगरानी’ सुरु गरेको थियो । गेलेफु, चारबन्दीका गंगारामलाई पनि प्रहरीले पक्रन खोज्दै छ रे भन्ने हल्ला फैलियो । सन् १९९२ को बर्खा सकिएपछि एक रात ८ जनाको ढकाल परिवार गाउँ छाडेर हिँड्यो । ‘म त्यसबेला १४ वर्षकी थिएँ । हामी भुटानको बमजनडाँडा हुँदै असमको बोर्डर बाघमारा पुग्यौं,’ तुलसाले सुनाइन्, ‘बाघमारामा लुइँटेल थरका चिनारुकहाँ आश्रय लिएर झन्डै तीन साता बस्यौं । खर्चबर्चका लागि घरबाटै दुई माउ गाईसाथै ल्याएका थियौं । तिनै लुइँटेल परिवारले पैसा पछि दिऊँला भनेर गाई राखे, हामी त्यहाँबाट सिलिगुडी हुँदै नेपाल आइपुग्यौं ।’ गंगाराम गाई बेचेको खर्च उठाउन १९९२ को तिहारलगत्तै बाघमारा हिँडेका थिए । त्यहाँबाट उनी भुटानको सुरेतर्फ गएको र त्यहीं एक साथीको घरमा बास बसेका बेला भुटानी प्रहरीले पक्रेर लगेको खबर पछि परिवारमा आइपुग्यो । ‘सुरुका ६ महिना त दाजुलाई माटोमुनिको सुरुङ जस्तोमा राखेका थिए रे । अरूले खाएर रहेको खानेकुरा बाटामा हालेर दिन्थे रे,’ तुलसाले सुनाइन् । तुलसाका बुबाआमा बितिसके । उनका दाजुभाइ, दिदीबहिनी अमेरिका र अर्का क्यानडा छन् । हिजोका कुरा र चेम्गाङ जेलमा दाजु भेट्न गएका क्षण सम्झिँदा तुलसा भक्कानिइन् । छेवैमा रहेका साना दुई छोरीले ‘आमाले आँसु नझारिदिए हुन्थ्यो’ जस्तो विनयी अनुहार देखाइरहेका थिए । यो जीवन के हो त दिदी ? शिविरबाट बिदा हुने बेला तुलसालाई सोधेको थिएँ । ‘जीवन ? सम्झिसक्नु छैन नि ! सारा छिन्नभिन्न छ, परिवारजस्तै मनमुटु पनि ।’ यो जवाफभन्दा बढी हृदय हल्लाउने सुँक्कसुँक्क बढी सुनिन्थ्यो, परैसम्म । ‘छोरो पर्खिरहेकी छु’ — डम्बरकुमारी अधिकारी, बेलडाँगी शिविर, झापा सन् १९९२ को गर्मीयाममा आन्दोलन उठ्यो अरे भन्दै गाउँले टाठाबाठाले खुरुखुरु गाउँ छाड्न थाले । म पनि ६ वर्षको छोरो ओमनाथ र अढाई वर्षकी छोरी धनमाया च्यापेर दागानाबाट निस्किएकी थिएँ । शरणार्थी शिविरमा आफ्नै दुःख र हैरानी थियो । शरणार्थीका लागि तोकेको अन्न र नुनतेलका भरमा छोराछोरी हुर्काएँ, बढाएँ, सकेको पढाएँ । ओमनाथ २१ वर्षको थियो । गोल खेल्न गोलधाप जान्छु भनेर हिँडेको थियो । पर्सिपल्ट तिहारको टीका थियो, टीका थाप्न आइपुग्छु भनेको थियो । एकैचोटि फागुन (सन् २००८) मा पक्राउ पर्‍यो रे भन्ने खबर पाइयो, त्यो पनि रेडियोबाट । पछि दमक बजारमा गएर रेडक्रसमा मेरो छोराको अवस्था बुझ्न चाहें । ‘तपाईंको छोराबारे केही थाहा छैन, भुटान जाने भए आफ्नै खर्चमा जानुहोस्’ भनेर हाकिमहरूले भने । अनि म आफैं खर्च जुटाएर फुन्चोलिङ–जयगाउ गएँ । त्यहाँ सीमाका पुलिसले ‘ओमनाथ नामको कोही पक्राउ भएकै छैन’ भने । एकपटक जेलसम्म गएर बुझ्छु भनेर बिन्ती बिसाएँ । तीन दिन त्यहाँ रोकिएपछि बल्ल माथिबाट ‘ओमनाथ पक्राउ परेको हो, जेलमै छ’ भनेर खबर गरे । अनि मात्रै जेलमा जान दिए । मैले मेरो छोरोसहित अरू नानीहरूलाई भेट्न पाएँ । राति चैं छोरासँग बस्न दिएन । दिउँसो भने बस्न दिन्थ्यो । दुई दिनसम्म पाहुना घरमा बसेर म फर्किएँ । दमक शिविरमा आएर ‘यी–यी छोराहरू जेलमा रहेछन्’ भनेर खबर सुनाएँ । अनि पालो क्रममा आफ्ना नानी भेट्न जान थाल्यौं । पछि आईसीआरसीलाई काठमाडौंमा भनेर वर्षमा चार पटक (तीन महिनाको पालोमा) भेट्न जान्थ्यौं, पछि आईसीआरसीले जाने–आउने खर्च दिन्थ्यो । म जेलमा पुगेपछि मौरीको रानोमा गोलो बसेझैं गर्छन् नानीहरू । मेरो छोरोको मात्रै कुरा भएन, सबैका लागि म आमा हुँ त्यहाँ । हामी सबै एउटै दहका माछा हौं । त्यहाँ गएर एउटाको अनुहार हेर्छु, अँध्यारो देख्छु । अर्काको पनि अँध्यारै देखिन्छ, खपिसक्नुहुन्न । हामीसँग भएको सूचीमा २० जना त यही बेलडाँगी क्याम्पबाटै गएका छन् । त्यसमा पनि तीन जना बेपत्ता छन् । मैले चिनेकामध्ये लोकनाथ आचार्य, कुलबहादुर बस्नेत, चेङगुम डुक्पाको अत्तोपत्तो छैन । जेलमा रहेको छोरो भेट्न पाए पनि यो मनमा शान्ति छैन । त्यो छोरालाई आखिरमा भुटानकै माटोले तानेको रैछ, मैले भुटान छाड्नु नै गल्ती रहेछ भन्ने लाग्छ । यसरी, छोरो आज आउँछ, भोलि आउँछ भन्दै १३ वर्ष बितेका छन् । चित्त बुझाउने बाटो भनेको अरूका छोराहरू २८–३० वर्ष जेलमै छन् भन्ने हुन्छ, म बाँचिरहेँ अथवा ऊ बाँचिरह्यो भने कुनै दिन भेट होला नि त भन्ने हुन्छ । यत्ति हो, तेरो छोराको गल्ती यो हो र, यति सजाय हुन्छ मात्रै भनिदिए पनि चित्त सन्तोष हुनेथियो । अहिले कोरोना, लकडाउनले गर्दा ऊ मर्‍यो कि बाँचेकै छ भन्न सकिएको छैन । यत्तिका वर्ष बितेर गए, छोरो पर्खेर बसेकी छु । ‘यसरी छोरो पर्खेर नहुने रहेछ’ भन्दै अस्ट्रेलियामा ज्वाईं रहेकाले उतै जाने विचार पलाएको थियो, तर लकडाउन भएपछि सबैकुरा रोकिएको छ । म यहाँ छोरी र नाति रुँगेर बसेकी छु । यो जीवन कर्कलाको पानी रहेछ, यता ढल्क्यो–पोखिन्छ । उता ढल्क्यो– फेरि पोखिन्छ । मेरा लागि एउटै आशा–भरोसा भनेको त्यही छोरो हो, कहिलेसम्म सकिन्छ– पर्खन्छु नै । ‘जे लेखिएको छ, त्यही हुने रहेछ’ तिलक कटुवाल भुटानको पाना बस्तीमा जन्मिए, हुर्किए । पढाइको मेट्रिकुलेसन तह पूरा गरेपछि सन् १९७५ मा भुटान गभर्मेन्ट पब्लिक ट्रान्सपोर्ट, फुन्चोलिङमा काम थाले । सेवा परिवर्तन गर्ने इच्छा र अवसर भएकाले उनी वन विभागमा गए । उनले भारतको् खर्साङमा गएर फरेस्ट्री अफिसरसम्मको ट्रेनिङको मौका समेत पाए । तिलकका अनुसार, त्यतिखेर भुटानमा राम्रो शान्ति थियो, उनको पनि सरकारसँग राम्रो थियो । ९० को दशकदेखि अप्ठ्यारा दिनहरू आए । भुटानले ‘बाहिरी देशका मान्छे आए’ भनेर रोक्नका लागि नीति बनायो । त्यो नीतिले नेपालीभाषी भुटानीलाई अप्ठ्यारो पर्ने अवस्था आयो । त्यसकै विरुद्ध शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलन भएको थियो । त्यतिबेला दक्षिणी भुटानबाट काउन्सिलर टेकनाथ रिजाल थिए । ‘नेपालीभाषीलाई अप्ठ्यारो पारिंदैछ’ भनेर रिजालले राजा जिग्मे सिंगेसँग बिन्ती गर्नासाथै रिजाल जेलमा थन्किहाले । ल्होत्साम्पाको बोली बन्द हुँदै गएपछि आक्रोश बढ्दै गयो, देशैभर आन्दोलन भयो, धरपकड बढ्यो । जनसाधारण जोकोही सांघातिक आक्रमणमा परे । त्यतिबेला तिलक भुटान सरकारले एकवर्षे तालिममा पठाएर युरोप (नर्वे) गएका थिए । उनी तालिम सकेर सन् १९८९ अन्त्यमा फर्केर भुटान आए । ‘तर, म फर्किंदा मेरो जागिर थिएन, गाउँगाउँमा हाहाकार थियो, भागाभाग थियो । मेरो नाम पनि सरकारले भगौडामा राखेको रहेछु,’ भुटानको सीमावर्ती भारतीय सानो बस्ती जयगाउँमा भेटिएका तिलकले सम्झिए, ‘मैले सरकारसँग निकै अनुरोध गरें, मेरो केही गल्ती छैन भनेर । होइन–होइन, तिम्रा सबै मान्छे गए, तिमी पनि जाऊ भनेपछि सन् ९१ मा बाध्यतापूर्वक राजीनामा दिएँ । अनि यता जयगाउँ आएर बस्न थालें ।’ तिलकको एक सन्तान थिम्पू र अरू दुई वटा फुन्चोलिङमा जन्मिएका हुन् । तैपनि उनी झैझगडामा उत्रिएनन् । जो निधारमा लेखिएको छ, त्यही हुने हो भन्दै आफ्नो जन्म–कर्मथलो छाडेर हिंडे । तिलक आफ्ना ९८ वर्षीय बुबा गंगाबहादुर कटुवालसहित अहिले जयगाउँमा बसोबास गर्छन् । तिलकले बुझेसम्म ‘भुटानमा नेपालीभाषी नागरिक (ल्होत्साम्पा)लाई सफाया गर्ने योजनै बनेको हो । भुटानी सरकारले चाहेको ‘जातीय सफाया’ नै हो, तर सफाया हुन नसकेपछि शरणार्थी समस्या शुरु भएको हो । त्यसपछि भूटानभित्र जो रहे रहे, बाहिरतिर जो गए गए । गएका फर्किन सकेनन्, भित्र रहेकाले सरकारी कानून मानेरै बसे । भुटान–भारत दशगजामा बसेर तिलकलाई के लाग्छ भने भुटानको पूरापूर सुरक्षा भारतले गर्दै आएको छ । जस्तो दोक्लाममा त्यत्रो मामला भयो, तर त्यहाँ भुटान गएर लड्नै परेन । भारतले लडेरै दोक्लाम ‘क्लियर’ गर्‍यो । जहाँजहाँ भुटानको चीनसँग बोर्डर छ, सबै इन्डियाले नै हेर्छ । फेरि इन्डियाले जे भन्छ, त्यो नै अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय जगतले सुन्छ । उनका बुझाइमा—ठीक यसैगरी, भारतको छत्रछायाँमा बसेको भुटानका मामलामा पनि भारतले जे भन्यो त्यही हुन्छ । भुटानी शरणार्थी मामलामा पनि त्यही हुन्छ । ‘भूटानलाई नेपालले केही गर्न सक्ने होइन । नेपाल आफैं राजनीतिक रूपमा कमजोर छ । शरणार्थी मामला नेपालले अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय रूपमा पनि लैजानै सक्दैन,’ तिलक भन्छन्, ‘अब पूर्वी नेपालका शरणार्थी शिविरमा रहेका ६–७ हजार वृद्धवृद्धा–बालबच्चालाई के गर्ने र ? तिनलाई भूटान पठाउन म त असम्भव देख्छु । सकेको विदेश जान्छन्, नसक्ने नेपालै बस्लान् ।’ ‘कति कुटेरै मारिए’ म शरणार्थी पुनर्बसोबास कार्यक्रममा परेर अमेरिकाको आइवोवा स्टेटमा बसोबास गरिरहेको छु । म भुटानको गेलेफु छँदा गाउँलेहरू गाईबस्तु पालनमा संलग्न थियौं । सन् ९० दशकको सुरुवातमै हामीलाई दोहोरो नागरिकता (भारत र भुटान) को रहेको भन्दै देशनिकाला गरियो । त्यसअघि ‘राजनीतिक गतिविधिमा लागेको भन्दै’ मलाई चार महिना गेलेफु जेलमा राखिएको थियो । त्यही बेलातिर गेलेफुको सैन्य थुनामा खडानन्द हुमागाईं र टीकाराम धिमाललाई र लोद्राइ जेलमा रत्न विश्वकर्मा र खड्गबहादुर मगरलाई झुन्ड्याएर मारिएको खबर सुनेको थिएँ । गेलेफु थुनामा प्रहरीको पिटाइ खाएका गंगाराम राईको जेलबाट छुट्नासाथै कुटपिट चोटकै कारण मृत्यु भयो । एचबी सापकोटालाई थिम्पू जेलमा कुटपिट गरेर मारेपछि ४ किलोमा लगेर फ्याँकिएको थियो । डम्फू, चिराङमा धर्मराज गुरुङलाई कुटेरै मारियो । जेलमा लगिने वा पक्राउ पर्ने, सजाय तोक्ने सबै मामलामा अदालतसम्मै एक जना मात्रै वादी वा प्रतिवादी वकिल थिए— छिरिङ ओङ्दा । गृहसचिवसमेत रहेका ओङ्दाले राजबन्दी वा अन्य कैदीका हकमा समेत आफैं पक्ष–प्रतिपक्ष वकिलको भूमिका निभाउँथे । आफैं जेल सजाय तोक्थे । हामी सन् १९९२ को सुरुवातमै पूर्वी नेपालको टिमाई पुग्यौं । पछि असमको मेचे बस्तीमा राखिएका गाईवस्तु बेचबिखन गरेर खर्च उठाउन जाँदा सन् १९९३ फेब्रुअरीमा मलाई भारतीय प्रहरीले असमको कोक्राझारमा पक्राउ गरेर भुटानलाई बुझायो । त्यसपछि म १६ वर्ष चेम्गाङ जेलमै थुनिएँ । म सन् २०१७ को मध्यमा अमेरिका आइपुगेको हो । ‘हामी सूचना दिन सक्दैनौं’ – यान मिस्कोक, क्षेत्रीय उपप्रमुख, आईसीआरसी, दिल्ली हामी खेद प्रकट गर्दै यो स्पष्ट पार्न चाहन्छौं कि आईसीआरसी भुटानका थुनामा सहजै निरीक्षण भ्रमण गर्न सक्ने अवस्थामा छैन । थुनाको अवस्था सुदृढ बनाउनु, पारिवारिक सम्पर्कलाई कायम राख्दै पुनःस्थापना गर्नु तथा सामान्यतः कानुनी सुरक्षालाई सम्मान कायम गर्नु आईसीआरसीको मुख्य उद्देश्य हो । हाल जारी महामारीमा आईसीआरसीले थुना रहेका स्थानमा कोभिड–१९ को सामान्य व्यवस्थापनलाई लिएर सम्बद्ध अधिकारीहरूसँग परामर्श गरेका थियौं । आईसीआरसीले संकलन गरेको बन्दीको सूचना सम्बन्धित थुना अधिकारीसँग मात्र बाँड्न सकिन्छ । उनीहरूको मञ्जुरीबिना सूचना बाँड्न मिल्दैन । आईसीआरसी तथ्यांक सुरक्षाको कडा नियममा बाँधिएको छ । सामान्यतः कुनै तेस्रो पार्टीलाई यी तथ्यांक उपलब्ध गराएर सम्बन्धित व्यक्ति वा उनका आफन्तजनलाई हानि नहोस् भन्ने प्रयास आईसीआरसीले गरिरहेको हुन्छ । हामीलाई जेल निरीक्षणको अनुमति छैन : आईसीआरसी भुटान सरकारले आफ्ना नागरिकमाथि चलाएको ज्यादती र गैरन्यायिक थुना, बेपत्ता, हत्याको असहज स्थितिमाझ सन् १९९४ देखि भुटानमा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय रेडक्रस (आईसीआरसी) ले प्रवेश पाएको हो । भुटानको केन्द्रीय जेल चेम्गाङमा मात्रै आईसीआरसीको प्रतिनिधिमण्डलले भ्रमण गर्न पाउने र राजबन्दीको सहज गाास–बास–कपासको प्रबन्धमा दबाब दिन सक्ने स्थिति बन्यो । भुटानको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा ऐनअनुसार पक्राउ परेकालाई मात्रै हेर्ने (राजबन्दी) सर्तमा आईसीआरसीले भुटान प्रवेश अनुमति पाएको हो । आईसीआरसीको प्रवेशपछि कैदीमाथि गैरन्यायिक व्यवहार कम हुँदै गयो । आईसीआरसीकै पहलमा थुनामा रहेका राजबन्दीका आफन्तले वर्षमा चार पटकसम्म भेट्न पाउने प्रबन्ध भयो । जेलमा सरसफाइ, स्वास्थ्य सरोकार, आफन्त जाँदा बस्ने पाहुना घर निर्माण (कन्ज्युगर वार्ड) आदि पक्षमा पनि आईसीआरसीले समन्वय गर्दै आएको छ । सन् २०१२ पछि भने भुटान सरकारले आईसीआरसीलाई जेल भ्रमणको अनुमति दिन छाडेको छ । आईसीआरसीको नेपाल कार्यालयमा भुटान मामलाकी लियाजन अफिसर मीरा राना बस्नेतका अनुसार भुटान सरकारले कारागारभित्रको मापदण्ड, स्वास्थ्य, सुरक्षाजस्ता पक्षमा आवश्यक प्रबन्ध भइसकेकाले भन्दै आईसीआरसीलाई भ्रमण अनुमति बन्द गरेको हो । भुटान सरकारसँग १९९३ मा बनेको ‘समझदारी’ अनुसार झन्डै १० वर्ष आईसीआरसीले जेल भ्रमण गर्न पाएको थियो । हरेक वर्ष तय हुने ‘समझदारी’ २०१२ पछि ‘रिन्यु’ भएन । अहिले शरणार्थी शिविरमा रहेका आफन्तले काठमाडौंको आईसीआरसी अफिसलाई अनुरोध पठाएपछि काठमाडौंले दिल्ली कार्यालय र दिल्लीबाट थिम्पुसँग सम्पर्क गर्छ । त्यहाँबाट जेलमा कैदी तथा आफन्तका बारे छानबिन गरेर मात्रै आफन्त भ्रमणको अनुमति आउने गरेको छ । -(खोज पत्रकारिता केन्द्र) __ Editor’s note: This investigative report has been reproduced here with due permission from the Kantipur daily.

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