Prediction hits Bull’s eye in Bhutan.

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Amongst lots of predictions made so far in the history of the world, very few have turned to be nearest true. Believe it or not, one of the (said) controversial and anonymous web-sites believed to be banned, yet running from inside the Himalayan Kingdom Bhutan- Bhutanomics has surprised the world. On its Facebook page dated July 12, 2013, the Bhutanomics predicted the result of the second general election which was due on July 13 as shown in the picture.

Predicted Pie-chart (Photo: Bhutanomics Facebook Page)
Predicted Pie-chart (Photo: Bhutanomics Facebook Page)

Surprisingly, the outcome of the much awaited National Assembly Elections result appeared to be exactly what the Bhutanomics predicted.

This has raised the eye brows of lot many people in Bhutan regarding the authenticity of dozens  of controversial issues pertaining to the outgoing Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley led government in Bhutan.

It was the very site that initiated the debate alleging Jigmi Y Thinley having promoted of protecting   Jigme Tshultrim as the speaker of National Assembly and Minjur Dorji the Home Minister of the Kingdom.

The duo were alleged by the Bhutanomics as the main convicts involved in Gyalpoizing land scam. Later, Mongar District Court passed verdict reading the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Home Minister be imprisoned for two and one and half-years respectively.

In response, the government forced Bhutan Infocom and Media Authority (BICMA) to ban Bhutanomics starting March 15 this year. The prediction hitting the bull eye is something to guess that Bhutanomics is playing an insider role.

Inspired by the prediction people have already started flooding social media questioning the truth behind numerous allegations made against DPT president and his government.

Education City Land Scam, Diluting Indo-Bhutan relation and Jigmi Y Thinley’s statement dragging King to the controversy are likely to spur debates in Bhutan.

From Bhutanomics Facebook Page:

Jampel Doji: I wonder how the Bhutanomic’s prediction of election result of 32:15 before a poll day has proved exactly true even after the poll day……..

Now we realize that the Bhutanomics had been writing the true things till now. We will support you today, tomorrow, day after tomorrow and forever for a cleaner government, free of corruption and approachable government afcourse.
TASHI DELEK!!!

Bhutan GnhBhutanomics, you deserve kudos for standing firm in informing people of this Kingdom even when the Government and its all departments were hunting you pole to pole. Now your prediction has proved that what ever you have done so far are all based on truth. Now, you still remain firm and untried to force the new government to dig out the truth behind all the matters you have let people know so far. Still nation is not safe and the culprits are moving free.

 

Election Update : DPT for Opposition

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Election result 2013 general election/map ECB
Election result 2013 general election/map ECB

The general election results are out to be accepted by all Bhutanese that DPT is no longer a orange-kabney party.

The DPT won 15 seats and PDP secured the majority of 32 seats in the house of representatives of Bhutan, the National Assembly.

A facebook message that came posted on the wall of Jigme Y Thinley 41 minutes ago mentioned the real outcome where he clinched to be the opposition for next five years.

In his message JYT writes, “We will now be in opposition and it is a new opportunity that our party has gained. The party shall endeavor to prove itself worthy of this important role and contribute to the greater good of the King, country and people.”

Messages of congratulations are pouring in for PDP President Tshering Tobgay in his facebook and twitter.

PDP made all clean sweep in the south and south-west constituencies of Samtse, Sarpang, Tsirang, Chukha, Haa in the west, Wangduephodrang, Gasa-Lunana and also made some inroads in the DPT stronghold constituencies of the east.

Opposition party sets to form next govt

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TT
Tshering Tobgay

Securing at least 30 seats through the second general election polls of Saturday, opposition party of the former Prime Minister Jigmi Thinley’s government, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is all set to form the next government in Bhutan.

With this scenario, PDP President Tshring Tobgay would be elected as the second democratic Prime Minister.

Thinley’s party DPT has so far won 14 seats. Unofficial reports say that PDP would go up to 32 seats.

The Election Commission is yet to announce the final results officially.

Details to follow

An exile’s view of the parliamentary elections

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TP-Sir-300x300A few days after his party’s victory in the primary, I chatted briefly with the outgoing Prime Minister Jigmi Y. Thinley via his Facebook page. Responding to my query about his party’s position on the refugee issue, he said, “It is a humanitarian problem that must be resolved in ways that are dignified and durable for the people in the camps.”

The few positive changes following the first general election in 2008 should not be seen as a sign that Bhutan is heading to fully-fledged democracy.

As long as the country continues to sideline the refugee issue, those in the Diaspora are likely to continue to question the legitimacy of moves toward democratic change in their home country.

Click here to read the full article by TP Mishra, contributing editor of BNS, which originally was published by The Global Post.

Bhutan: An exile’s view of the parliamentary elections

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CHARLOTTE, NC — Five years into the democratic process, the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan—better known to outsiders as the champion of Gross National Happiness—is now preparing for its second parliamentary elections, scheduled for July 13.

At least four political parties stood in the recent primary election, resulting in the selection of the two to face off in the general election—the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT), the winner in 2008 election, and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Thinley Penjore, president of the exile-based Druk National Congress-Democratic, moved to the US through a resettlement program. He doubts that he will see democracy in Bhutan other than the “hypocritical dramatization to eyewash the international community.”

The July election is, to Penjore, as it is to many in the Diaspora, not going to result in anything better than the past government.

According to DNS Dhakal, an exiled Bhutanese political leader and a senior fellow at Duke University, the result of the primary election indicates that Bhutan is displaying tolerance toward multiparty democracy.

Dhakal further added that the country didn’t progress as much as needed since the first general election in 2008. This, to him, only speaks of the fact that establishment of vibrant democracy is still a long way off.

Some optimism for transformation in the justice system surfaced last year after the Mongar District Court found Jigme Tshultim, the speaker of the National Assembly, and Minjur Dorji, the first Home Minister of the democratic government, guilty of corruption.

However, despite the verdict, the perpetrators continue to walk scot-free.

The window to freedom of speech and expression is gradually opening, and for that, Bhutan should be praised. Yet, self-censorship continues to rule the media sector; the rural voices remain largely isolated from media contact, which seems to focus on urban areas, leaving many important stories untold.

In its 2012 country report on Bhutan, the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index, a global assessment of transition processes, stated that Bhutan’s level of socio-economic development is gradually increasing. This may be true, but it is equally important to note that such developments have only touched the capital city, Thimphu. Those in rural areas still live under the poverty line. One can only hope that the July election will elect new faces that will ensure that developmental projects reach rural areas.

At the moment, Bhutan is facing a serious Rupee (currency) crisis, which has existed for some time.

“With the chronic currency crunch, the socio-economic condition of ordinary Bhutanese has been experiencing a downward spiral,” said Jogen Gazmere, Australia-based Bhutanese human rights activist and Amnesty International political prisoner of conscience.

During the July election campaign, the Election Commission has restricted the use of other languages besides Dzongkha, the country’s national language and one of world’s toughest. Ironically, almost everyone in the country speaks and understands the Nepali language, not Dzongkha.

The imposition of a national language is an indication of the prejudice felt toward those in the south and east of the country, who don’t understand Dzongkha and are incompetent to caste an informed vote, even if they chose to.

“The national language is not the lingua-franca of most people in the south and east,” read a recent editorial of refugee-run Bhutan News Service.
As a result, many might decide not to participate in the July election. Language restriction could be seen as a maneuver by the election commission to indirectly restrict Nepali-speaking or Sharchops representatives, who typically are considered a threat by the regime in the mainstream politics, from winning the elections.

The accuracy of the government’s unemployment rate has been repeatedly challenged. Youth unemployment rates are seen as a growing problem that influences drugs use among young people.

For two decades, Bhutan has failed to live up to its assurances that it will resolve its refugee problem. An estimated 80,000 of the refugees camped in Nepal have made it to the West through the ongoing resettlement program. About 10,000, who are still living in camps, have shown no interest for resettlement and are awaiting repatriation. They may tend to wait forever—whether or not it takes place.

A few days after his party’s victory in the primary, I chatted briefly with the outgoing Prime Minister Jigmi Y. Thinley via his Facebook page. Responding to my query about his party’s position on the refugee issue, he said, “It is a humanitarian problem that must be resolved in ways that are dignified and durable for the people in the camps.”

Bhutan’s refugee is a political issue, not a humanitarian matter; the solution should be pursued politically through trilateral talks between Bhutan, Nepal and India.

The few positive changes following the first general election in 2008 should not be seen as a sign that Bhutan is heading to fully-fledged democracy.

As long as the country continues to sideline the refugee issue, those in the Diaspora are likely to continue to question the legitimacy of moves toward democratic change in their home country.

__
Originally published in the Global Post.

Indian FM urged to enhance Indo-Bhutan relations

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Taking into considerations the latest economic crisis in Bhutan caused by withdrawal of four subsidies by the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Druk National Congress (DNC) and Bhutan National Democratic Party (BNDP) have urged the Indian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Salman Khurdhid, to strengthen the Indo-Bhutan relations.

Nepalese Foreign Minister Madhav Ghimire (R) shakes hands with visiting Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tuesday morning, 09 July 2013 (Picture courtesy: Nepalnews)
Nepalese Foreign Minister Madhav Ghimire (R) shakes hands with visiting Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tuesday morning, 09 July 2013 (Courtesy: Nepalnews)

Leaders of both the parties urged the Indian minister, who arrived in Nepal for an official visit, by submitting a joint memorandum on Tuesday.

“Any policy measures adopted by the governments of Bhutan and India should be in long-term interest of common people of both the countries,” said the memorandum, signed by DNC President Kesang Lhendup and BNDP Chief Executive Dr DNS Dhakal.

They appealed that India should maintain the existing arrangement and continue providing subsidies to Bhutan on essential commodities as it has been doing since the day Bhutan embarked upon the socio-economic development plan and examine the future relationship with Bhutan in the overall interest of two peoples.

Furthermore, the parties also asked the Indian minister to assist in dignified repatriation of willing exiled Bhutanese from Nepal.

Minister Khurshid on Tuesday wrapped up his one-day visit to Nepal saying that he is ready to extend all necessary cooperation required to make the Constituent Assembly elections a success.

ABA convention concludes

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The sixth Convention of Association of Bhutanese in America (ABA)  hosted by Bhutanese Community of Syracuse (BCS) Inc., concluded on Friday following different sessions of useful workshops and presentations.

The convention formally began on July 4th at local Refugee Assistance Program (RAP) building with the workshop titled “Organizational Management: Nonprofits Systems and Structures” facilitated by the executive director of ABA, Aaron Acharya. Mr. Acharya addressed a mass of around hundred people that included participants from neighboring cities like Rochester, Buffalo, Albany, Erie, Scranton, Pittsburgh and also from Virginia and Philadelphia. On the second day, Mr Acharya also facilitated “Organizational Management-Grant Proposals”, the workshop that was highly applauded by the participants. Majority of participants in both workshops were community leaders and people interested in leadership;  they commended the workshops to be very useful.

Executive Director Acharya addressing the participants. Photo/Ajay Sapkota.
Executive Director Acharya addressing the participants. Photo/Ajay Sapkota.

Narayan Sharma made a presentation on “Responsible Citizenship” in which he talked about day to day issues faced by the resettled Bhutanese. Different issues like driving while intoxicated, over speeding and its consequences, domestic violence, legal issues related to minors, among many were discussed during the presentation.

Meanwhile, Parankush Subedi (PK), refugee health coordinator with City of Philadelphia Department of Public Health educated the audiences with a powerpoint presentation on “Mental Health and Suicide” related to resettled Bhutanese. Mr. Subedi’s presentation  was based on three case studies of different aged refugees that committed suicides highlighted on causes of depression and suicides, domestic violence and the like.

Although no concrete solution to the mental health issues of Bhutanese was provided, Mr. Subedi suggested forming  a team of Bhutanese doctors and other health care professionals resettled in the United States with the Indian doctors to seek the ways to address the issue on hand. Also, he further suggested to create a mental health detective group among the resettled Bhutanese to investigate and identify people as having suicidal thoughts, and thus stop them from actually taking their life.

At the reception dinner, BCS also held informal discussion with the leaders of neighboring cities on possibility of helping each other in getting organized as non-profits.

During the convention, ABA executive director also presented the annual report of the organization. He further stated that currently ABA has been providing the technical assistance program for local organizations; and one of the potential future programs of the organization will be a comprehensive online portal with resources useful for the Bhutanese communities in the US. However, unification between ABA and OBCA was not discussed at the meet.

On Saturday, BCS organized an outing for elderly members of the community. A group of around fifty people over the age of sixty were given a ride to Niagra Falls, NY, around 170 miles from Syracuse.

“We have been planning this event for the elderly people for around five years, and eventually, we have made this happen”, said Hari Bangaley, ex-president of BCS adding this is possibly the first of its kind among the resettled folks.

Jai Subedi, the president of BCS informed BNS that BCS will try to give continuity to the programs for elderly people in future as well.

Dzong-Kha: The National Perspectives

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thinley-smallReading through the June 19, 2013 Kuensel, it is sad to take note the kind of hurdles the candidates are facing in the country while struggling for election in the so-called democracy of Bhutan. Why should one give speech only in Dzongkha when they do not know themselves? How could the listeners understand what the speakers mean to convey to the mass?

Dzongkha is our National Language. However, that does not mean that languages of other regions should be banned for official communication.  Democracy gives the right to language, religion and thoughts of each and every citizen of the region where they belong.  It is therefore obvious that the locals expect their aspiring candidates to speak in the language they understand.

As this article is concentrating towards the aspects of language, it is essentially vital to highlight a brief perspective of language and its utility.

Language is important not only for the people or a country but also for all those living in all the six realms of Gods, Demi Gods, Human beings, Animals, formless beings of the hungry ghosts and those in the realm of suffering. Perhaps, that is the reason why human beings of this world have different languages making diverse community to understand each other thoroughly.  That is the reason why a common language is also developed for the convenience of the providers and the recipients.

Bhutan has major languages viz.: Tshangla-lo of the Sharchhokps, Kheng-kha and Bumthapi-kha of the half of Central region, Ngalong-kad of the west and Lhotsham-kha of the south besides several other dialects without forgetting the nomads or the Yak herders of the upper valleys and those in the pockets of different rural valleys like Taba-Dramtep or Lhopi-kha.  Until last four decades, means of written communication used to be Chhoe-kad, the scriptural language like Devanagari for Lhotsham-kha the Nepali.  Over the years, Dzongkha has grown to be the only spoken language consistent in the official use in all district headquarters even from the time of Dzongpons in the erstwhile Zhabdrung era that continues growing along the passage of time.  When Bhutan got registered in the United Nations, one of the presumed criteria  to qualify for the UN membership being to have an official language, Bhutan registered ‘Dzong-kha’ as our national language.

Ever since then every efforts have been made to teach and learn Dzongkha which however seems to have not progressed even to this day.  Although it is important that everybody must know the national language, those would be lawmakers not being thorough with the language should use the language they can best reach the mass without any difficulty. Moreover, one of the reasons to nominate candidates from respective constituencies is also to best represent the people of the region and thus is expected to speak the language of that region irrespective of whether he or she comes from a different language speaking community.

There had been complaints from various corners about the difficulties being faced by the people with modern education to understand Dzongkha, which is again ridiculous though, it is the draw-back of the government for not provisioning any incentives or giving equal weightage to the academic background by recognizing Dzongkha as working language in relevant service oriented departments of the government.

Otherwise, adaptation to Dzong-kha will continue to be a problem even after several coming decades. There are several opinions expressed through internet blogs and chats about the source and fate of Dzongkha. Those in the high ups speak rhetorically high about promoting and preserving the national language and give virtually less importance at the implementation level or while translating their commitments into reality.

Many people discuss online about learning of Dzong-kha not a necessary since it does not yield advantages at the end of their graduation.  The Dzong-kha teaching method continues to be traditional and primitive with no adequate references available in the open market.  The school and college pass outs holding university degrees and people with equivalent background in Dzong-kha are not given equal weight-age at the time of seeking employment in almost all sectors of private and the civil service.

Disuse of Dzongkha: Mistaken minds
Government has not been able to give any priority to learning to use Dzong-kha, nor has it limited English language for communication to diplomatic missions, international agencies and for scientific, medical and technological expressions.  If Dzong-kha is used for correspondences with our overseas missions in different countries, every Bhutanese, particularly those neglected   people of  Dzong-kha background could also get equally a competitive and responsible opportunity to work in those missions as a person of any educational background. That is what the democracy is all about! On the other hand employment problems can also be taken care of to a certain extent in the long run.  It is, therefore, essentially important for every Bhutanese to learn Dzong-kha as national language in addition to English.

Further, knowing to speak different languages is always a plus point in this shrinking world of science and technology. On the other hand, major regional languages like Khengkha, Sharchhokp’s Tshangla-Lo, Lhotshampa’s Nepali and Kurtep’s Cho-cha-nga-cha would be handy if every Bhutanese can understand or speak them given the fact that the small regional demography would at times be found not knowing to speak or understand Dzongkha, the language of the forts.  The glaring example is the declining population of today’s generation who are reluctant to speak or understand Dzongkha. Even the MP candidates campaigning for the upcoming general elections have been finding difficulties in keeping their flow of the official language with the common forum. It is therefore good that they preferred using local languages to communicate with the people of their respective constituencies while campaigning to garner support for voting during the election.

One of the values of democracy is not only to ensure the liberty of every citizens but also to grant special mandate to demand, develop and preserve the language of his/her own community as one of the identities and to utilize the same as widely as possible.  However, in the context of Bhutan, some sources in the internet debates reveal the need to replace Dzong-kha by English for the reason that English is not only easy to learn but also being international language.  Paradoxically, if such a change comes to Bhutan, then the fate of its sovereignty will be at stake and no anchors on earth can save the country from vanishing from the map. It is sad to note that the person who debates so in the internet have not got the least of the idea about the importance of our national language.

Countries like Japan, China, The Netherlands, France, Germany, Russia and many such advanced nations use their own languages not only for correspondences in their own countries but also encourage people visiting or taking interest to working in their respective countries to learn and use their language.  Even in India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar, they use their own languages for internal correspondences while English is used for the convenience of diplomatic relations and for multi-regional and international level communications.

There are also people on the internet blogs mistakenly claiming Dzongkha as the language of the Ngalongs.  It surely resembles their Ngalong dialects to the extent of 40%, but the writers and scholars of the Dzongkha language had researched adequately to ensure that Dzongkha does not totally resemble any other Bhutanese language because it has amalgamation of Chhoekad like the Sanskrit and Urdu in Hindi, Latin, French and Spanish in the English language.  Dzongkha is not the language of the Ngalongs, but it is the language of the Dzong goers or the fort language of the erstwhile era of the Dzongpons.

People much talk about the values of country’s sovereignty, independence, democracy and self-reliance, but seems to forget that the language is one of the main organs of our country’s democracy, which we cannot afford to think about replacing it under any circumstances.  Unless Bhutan has some other popular languages unique enough to replace Dzong-kha, the idea of simply replacing it by English would mean submitting to the English colonial world which would jeopardize the traditional values of our nation.  Although, Dzong-kha remained a spoken language until 1971, the 3rd monarch Jigme Dorji Wangchuk gave us unified tongue and lips to communicate easily in the country and show to the outside world that we have our independent language and script, which has its own literature, history and background. Hence, it is our moral duty to promote Dzong-kha as official working language in whatever way it is possible from our end not forgetting at the same time that the democracy gives us opportunities as well as responsibilities to recognize, respect and promote existing major languages like Lhotsham-kha, Sharchhokpa’s Tshangla-lo, Kheng-kha, Kurtep’s Chhocha Ngacha and other major tongues to the mainstream of national language.

It is saddening to see our MPs and those higher ups feeling uncomfortable communicating in Dzong-kha and facing acute pain for want of appropriate vocabularies on their lips for witty, critical and spontaneous debates.  Even the parliament debates are sometimes limited to mere resolution without discussing thoroughly on the issues of national importance and often conclude in confusion fallen short of adequate idioms and phrases during mass communication for convincing, appealing, influencing and effective deliberations.  Except for a few vocal Dzong-kha speakers, many of the people’s representatives end up without being able to put people’s demands over the forum for a healthy deliberation and result-oriented resolution.  However, that does not justify at all for changing the media of official communication and that Dzong-kha should be shunned in the interest of those who cannot speak fluently is a fatal blow on the national language.

The system of interpretation, right to interpretation and availing interpreters is the sovereign right given to the people by democracy.  Those going through difficulty speaking and communicating in Dzongkha should speak in regional languages and use interpreters to facilitate bridging the language communication gaps by using the skills of interpreters.  Every patriotic citizen should be rather proud to realize that Bhutan has come all the way from self-imposed isolation to not only becoming member of the United Nations but also, despite it being small both in terms of population and geophysical structure, been able to protect its national sovereignty, territorial integrity and social harmony with its own identity of language, culture and tradition, which requires to be protected and preserved at all times to come.

Evolution and Development of Dzongkha
Prior to emergence of written Dzongkha, the Rigzhung Lobdra established in 1961 in Semtokha, which was renowned for the scholastic values of higher skills of scriptural Chhoekad learning produced M.A., B.A. and Matriculation equivalent certificate holders.  The products of Semtokha had been highly valued for their expertise both in the teaching, practicing and strengthening administrative functions of the government machinery.  The exemplary results of Semtokha are numerous, who held important positions in the highest bureaucratic system.  Its products were highly commendable for being among the highest contributors to the evolution of Dzong-kha, which today continues to struggle for its deserving space in the country’s democratic system.

The Text Book Writing section was established in 1961 within the Education Department.  It received the esteemed instructions from the government to write all school language text books in spoken Dzong-kha.  So, in addition to the prevailing school text books in Chhoekad, the first Dzong-kha hand book titled, “Dzong-kha Rabsel Chareng Dangpo” was published and the in-service refresher Dzong-kha courses were conducted in 1972 for all the School language teachers.  The main aim was to familiarize them with the new method of Dzongkha teaching in the schools based on the newly published Dzong-kha book, which were widely distributed to the schoolteachers countrywide as a guidebook.

The Dzong-kha Development Commission has a legacy of several accomplishments like Dazhung and Dzong-kha Dictionary publications.  While attempts continue to prevail for a better quality of consistent Dzong-kha tradition, the language has been left hanging in the empty space of debates from the emerging modern era critiques.  One of the major agonies perceived is that it continues to be looked down as an impediment rather than a tool of national identity to tow its policy of developing a stable and consistent state of an enriched Dzong-kha as an official language. On the other hand, its policy of promoting other major languages to the status of national language too continues to struggle with least attention from the so-called responsible think tanks, who hold such esteemed positions and getting lost in the social adversity of English influenced mass.

Changing and naming places with the Dzongkha phonetics may help promote and dominate regional languages if the policy of the government is so, but it will not help create comfort ability to the people of the concerned region to get familiarized with the new names by substituting older ones.  This articles contention is, when the people are not thorough with the Dzongkha language, what is the need to change names and further jeopardize people’s life in those regions unless necessitated for serious reasons like places that has no names at all.  Otherwise it does not make any sense changing and giving new name, rather it only goes to erase footprints of the historic settlements of people in those given times.

Conclusion
It will be one of the achievements of the democracy if the new government who so ever could successfully bring about an addition or amendment to the Constitution in terms of giving right to access to communication through recognition of major languages into the mainstream of national language.  Demographically, majority of the population understand and speak Tshangla-Lo of the Sharchhokps and Nepali, which having incorporated in the Constitution will be able to ease the existing language hurdles when it comes to communicating with the mass as well as regions that less speak and understand Dzongkha.  On the other hand, it will also help promote quality spoken Dzongkha if the government introduces teaching of Dzongkha at the level of Non-Formal Education programs for the regions that understand and speak less dzongkha.

The teaching and learning of Dzongkha is perhaps difficult given the traditional culture of teaching with corporal punishments, which no more exists in view of change of times.  The bitter example of corporal punishment is however visible in the Dratshangs and Gonpas even to this day.  The % of pass outs from such institutions has been better compared to modern school days where we have lifted corporal punishments.  To pick up learning through by-heart recitations is an uphill task as the message expressed in Dzongkha need to be understood as thoroughly as in English. Thus the corporal punishments received by children in those schools create a fear in the student not just because of pain but because of demoralization one has to face in front of other students.   The drawback caused by the reasons of being lack of proper illustrations, it would be more appropriate if the Dzongkha handbooks for the Non-formal education are made available with adequate illustrations.

When English Oxford Dictionary continues to evolve with scores of new entries of vocabularies periodically either created by scientific inventions, archeological discoveries or borrowed from other popular languages, why can’t Bhutan shape our Dzong-kha by helping to contribute for its improvements giving priorities at the government circle with emphasis to learning, improving and developing for the sovereignty, stability and continuity of the Bhutanese legacy as an independent entity in this high Himalayas, popularly described as the “Last Shangrila” on earth.

Will India review the decision to four subsidy cuts?

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Not just the K5, his interim government and bureaucrats are stunned by India’s recent decision to four subsidy cuts, but all citizens at present want the Government of India (GoI) to promptly answer: will your Ministry of Foreign Affairs review its decision?

Bhutan King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk being welcomed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh during a meeting in New Delhi in 2009
K5 being welcomed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh during a meeting in New Delhi in 2009

Last week, the India ministry decided to withdraw four major subsidies on cooking gas, kerosene, Chukha power tariff, and excise duty refund creating a huge economic crisis in Bhutan.

The Indian ministry took such a “serious” decision a few days after powerful media outlets reported “suspicious” operations of Chinese PLAs military camps inside Bhutan.

Immediate impacts of the India’s revenge to the GNH nation as regards to Bhutan’s questionable flexibility towards the Chinese intrusion, which has doubtlessly annoyed the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s government, are further worsening of economic crisis, and mushrooming of anti-India sentiments.

The subsidy withdraw of LPG and kerosene has been estimated to cause a loss of Nu 579.5 million to Bhutan. The loss from subsidy cut to Chukha power tariff would be almost double of the loss due to cuts in LPG and kerosene subsidy.

Though the head of the interim government, Sonam Tobgay, has sought immediate appointment with Indian Foreign Minister Salman Khurshid for discussion on new scenario, it looks that a prompt response towards the Bhutanese call is unlikely considering Khurshid’s scheduled abroad visits and the second general elections of July 13 in Bhutan.

BAASA to hold 2nd interstate soccer from July 4

The Bhutanese Australian Association of South Australia (BAASA) said it will host the second edition of the Bhutanese Australian National Soccer Championship for four days starting from July 4-7.

BAASAThe Interstate Soccer Tournament will be being held in Burton Community Football Facility of Football Federation of South Australia (FFSA) in the City of Salisbury and will be the single largest event for the local Bhutanese community this year, according to BAASA.

It said that various nine teams from different states of Australia such as Adelaide Dragons Red, Adelaide Dragons Blue, Sydney DFC, Three Star Albury, Launceston, Hobart, Cairns, Brisbane and Melbourne would participate in the tournament.

“Soccer plays an important role in the Bhutanese community.  A common interest in soccer has helped give many Bhutanese – the majority of them who have come to Australia on refugee and humanitarian visas – a sense of belonging and has assisted the community, particularly the young members in retaining their links to their cultural background,” said a statement issued by BAASA.

The tournament, according to the organizer, aims to bring Bhutanese people from across Australia together and allow all participants and spectators a forum in which they may share their post settlement stories.

“A large component of the tournament will be the cultural festivities that will take place over four days.  Bhutanese dancers, singers and puppeteers will put on several important performances for the enjoyment of all and will allow the wider community to develop an appreciation of other cultures’ rich and diverse histories.”

Established in 2009, BAASA has been providing both practical assistance and cultural support to the local and broader Bhutanese community.

Half of all Bhutanese people who have entered Australia on a have settled in South Australia and a high proportion of them in the Salisbury area.