Melbourne Bhutanese meets Minister Kotsiras in Victoria

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At least five Bhutanese resettled in Melbourne shared their experience in new country and life as refugees with Minister for Multicultural Affairs and Citizenship, Nicholas Kotsiras, Tuesday.

Nicholas Kotsiras Member of Parliament, Minister for Multicultural Affairs & Citizenship with the Bhutanese delegates

Led by Kinapathi Dhimal, the Bhutanese team met the Minister during a volunteer seminar organized by the Adult Multicultural Education Services (AMES) in Victoria.

Minister Kotsiras listened to the settlement experience and community volunteering work of the Bhutanese team and appreciated them for high spirit in volunteerism.

Minister Kotsiras said that about 2.5 million volunteers participate every year in Victoria contributing worth $4.5 billion every year in dollar value and assured the government will continue supporting volunteering programs in Victoria, informed Parsuram Sharma Luital of the AMES.

Luital was one of the panel speakers emphasizing on promoting and recognition of volunteering work of all the different ethnic groups within Victoria and giving them formal volunteer recognition.

The Bhutanese members contributed in planning strategies and direction in developing volunteering with Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) communities and the Victorian government through service providers.

The seminar included the panel session of prominent speakers from Victorian government, service providers and CALD communities with extensive experience in volunteering work in the multicultural and mainstream sector.

Contributed by Parsu Budathoki from Melbourne for BNS

Yam Thulung bags Jhakas Literary Award

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Yam Thulung has been awarded with the Jhakas International Literary Award in recognition of his long contribution to Bhutanese literature in exile.

The Jhakas Group honored Thulung, President of Bhutan Gazal Munch, amidst a program organized in Khudunabari camp on Monday.

The chief guest awards Thulung/Picture courtesy : Prakash Angdambe

The award consists of cash amount and an appreciation letter. Various personalities involved in literature and artists from Bhutan and Nepal, among others were present during the award-giving program.

Reported by Tulsi Upreti from Khudunabari camp for BNS

BASA plans for future

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The Bhutanese Association in South Australia (BASA) organized  its Strategy Planning Day, the first of its kind in Bhutanese Diaspora.

BASA's official logo

The planning day took place at the scenic Adelaide Hills, an hour drive from Adelaide city, at the Youth With A Mission(YWAM) Centre. Members of the constitutional bodies of BASA including Apex Councilors, Executive members, Advisors and Ombudspersons with volunteers gathered at the YWAM centre on April 15, Friday, to develop strategy for the delivery of services  to the community for next five years.

Australian Refugee Association (ARA), which runs the Settlement Grant Programme(SGP) in partnership with BASA sponsored and facilitated the planning day.

The formal planning began after Celian Khedega, a trainer at ARA presented on the need and different models of the strategic planning for the community.

The volunteers having special influence in the community who arrived in Australia lately joined the BASA constitutional body members and provided useful inputs to plan effectively for the community. The strategic planning on the various aspects of education, employment, health and accommodation among others were worked out in groups and compiled to form the final draft. When endorsed by the Apex councilors, the Strategic Plan will come into effect.

A short meeting of BASA constitutional bodies also resolved to call Annual General Meeting (AGM) on July 2011 for restructuring the constitutional bodies and amending  constitution. The major focus was laid on the self reliance of the community and integration into the mainstream Australian Society.

Kevin Liston, a former CEO of ARA and Community Liaison Officer  at the Family SA inspired the participants reflecting the strength of the Bhutanese Australians, especially on education, culture and the steps taken towards self reliance.

Execution of Chhabda at Changlimithang

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It is not that every major event of a country is documented by the history. Nor we can accept that all events recorded in the history are principally significant. In every community, there can be many events that are always excluded by the writers.

And, in a country like Bhutan, where mostly the paid Indian writers have written the history in the government-prescribed tone, many things have been missed out, wrongly interpreted or just a brief narration mentioned to curtail the actual happenings. This is why analysts and some historians often claim that a significant part of the history dies unreported as the time passes.

The story behind the execution of the first Chief of Royal Bhutan Army, Namgay Bahadur, popularly known as Chhabda, has been a popular anecdote among senior citizens in the Bhutanese community, though only a few writers have documented some facts on this. The real charm of the story has been fading away along with the passage of eyewitness of the breathtaking public firing at the Changlimithang army parade-ground to execute Chhabda and his aides in 1964.

Who was Chhabda?
Born in 1916 in Luntse, Chhabda was regarded as one of the strongest and most powerful persons among his contemporary friends. It is said that he had possessed exceptional courage and strength, addressing him as a person of double spinal cord. The title ‘Bahadur’ was offered to him by the British as a guard of honour since he was reported to have broken two riffles with his hands in the final day of the training in the Assam Riffle in India.

Chhabda/Picture courtesy : Dr CT Dorji

By relation, Chhabda was uncle of the third king, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck. Having strong trust on him and his ability, he was later conferred with the title of the chief of Royal Bhutan Army.

According to Nari Rustomji, who was a childhood friend of the first prime minister Jigmie Palden Dorji – assassinated by Chhabda’s aide Jambey – and the first Indian advisor to the third King, Chhada was personally known to him and had even shared several moments together. Rustomji has documented that Chhabda was a man of just average ability and with no English, but rudimentary Hindi and Dzongkha.

Dr CT Dorji has claimed that there are no any records of formal education by Chhabda throughout his schooling age. Thus, as claimed by Rusthomji, he didn’t speak English, limiting his spoken-languages to rudimentary Hindi and Dzongkha.

Plot against Palden Dorji
When Chhabda was the chief of army, Jigmei Palden Dorji was the prime minister (PM) of Bhutan, although he used to rule the country from India with his administration based in the Bhutan House, the home of Dorjis in Kalimpong. Being an educated personality, PM Dorji was rapidly gaining his popularity among the younger generations and young civil servants. Chhabda was annoyed at Dorji’s action of replacing old servants by young minds. There were even rumours that the PM would remove all old servants including Chhabda on the forced pension sooner or later.

Citing lack of progress in his work, Dorji had even taken away the vehicle used by Chhabda and there are even informal claims that he had scolded Chhabda with insulting words at one occasion and in presence of some junior army staff. Murder-accused Bachhu in his final statement revealed that Chhabda’s highest position in the army was insure and had once even asked if it was advisable to murder the PM.

First Bhutanese PM Jigmei Palden Dorji (m) with his brothers / Picture courtesy : Nari Rustomji

The verdict of the royal commission formed to investigate the assassination of Dorji disclosed that the plot was being planned a month ahead of the event. Interestingly, Chhabda in his statement uttered that he had felt that he too was likely to be sent on the forced pension. He even made a ridiculous statement that he uncovered a plot by PM Dorji to kill the King. But, the commission proved the plot against the King as false, concluding if Chhabda had any real evidence of such a plot, he should have informed the King or could have made arrangements to arrest the prime minsiter.

The final judgment of the commission said that Chhada’s aide Jambey shot at the PM through window when he was playing cards with his friends and family members at the royal guesthouse at Phuntsholing on April 5, 1964 and injured him fatally before he went into the dark. PM Dorji died about one and a half hours later due to excessive bleeding. However, he could say, before he breathed his last, that he had always served his king and country faithfully and loyally to the best of his ability.

Fearful arrest
When the unexpected mishap fell upon the Dorji family, the prime minister’s wife, Tessla, was in Calcutta. Someone broke the news to her on her way to Phuntsholing and as she reached the royal guesthouse just a few minutes before he bid good-bye forever.

A special request to the Bengal government was made to send some trained dongs to search for assassin’s tracks and with extensive search, the dogs were able to figure out Jambey on April 8, 1964 and was arrested. It was Jambey who disclosed that chief of army Chhabda and his two masterminds, quarter-master-general of army, Bacchu Phugel and Sangye Dorji, insisted him to make a fatal shot at the PM.

Jambey under arrest

The royal commission that investigated the case also revealed that when asked for as many army staff as possible to search for the shooter, Chhabda reported that it was late night and was unable to fulfill the request. The next day, he replied stating that his staff were busy due to heavy pressure of work and could send only a few.

The king, who had been undergoing treatment in Switzerland, decided to cut-short his stay and decided to fly back to Bhutan to handle the situation. Upon reaching Calcutta, he appointed Dorji’s half brother, Lhendup, as a regent. Some rumours already were on ground that Chhabda had ordered to even attempt at the king, as he would arrive in Bhutan.

Interestingly, the helicopter carrying the king from Calcutta did not land at the helipad in Thimphu where several senior officials and a special squad of the Royal Bhutan Army were eagerly waiting to receive the king, but landed at the palace helipad at Dechencholing.

The actual date of Chhabda’s arrest was kept secret fearing the probable retaliation from the army. The newly appointed regent met the king and discussed the possibility of arresting Chhabda, as both were cautious to take defensive measures in case Chhabda and his bodyguards would decide shot at anyone while arresting him. Probably, they discussed to line-up all the palace guards at the time of arresting Chhhabda. However, as usual being the king’s uncle, Chhabda went to the palace on March 8 following a royal order. He was then arrested, handcuffed and detained for investigation. The king appointed a young colonel, Ugen Tangbi, as the new chief of Royal Bhutan Army.

Public Execution
When Jambey was arrested, the whole plot to kill PM Dorji was uncovered. According to his statement to the commission, he and his fellow-friend Doley, were teamed up to assassinate the PM. Doley had even taken rupees 1000 from Chhabda as an advance reward for bringing the plot into action. However, only Jambey was able to shot the prime minister on one fine night. After the arrest of Jambey and Chhabda, murder-accused Sangye Dorji, Bacchu and Doley were also arrested and booked.

Soldiers take Chhabda at the firing spot / Picture courtesy : Nari Rustomji

The six-member royal commission headed by Gyelden Thinley Dorji and appointed by the king, conducted an open hearing where each of the accused was asked to give his statement. The court charged them with the Law of Treason, Act No. 17 and proved guilty by law. The court ruled that Chhabda, Sangye Dorji and Jambey should suffer death by being shot by a firing squad of the Royal Bhutan Army at a time and place to be ordered by the king. Doley, who failed to play his part in the designed plot, was issued a sentence of imprisonment for life altering his death sentence while Bacchu committed suicide inside the prison cell on May 8, 1964.

Based on the verdict of the kangaroo’s court on May 16, Chhabda, Sangye Dorji and Jambey were publicly shot at a time by a firing squat at the army parade-ground of Changlimithang on the next day. It is said that Hari Koirala, who was later promoted to the post of Dzongda with a pseudo name Hari Sonam Tobgay, shot repeatedly at Chhabda’s forehead when even a number of bullets failed to finish him.  There are even speculations that not only those three, as many as 41 Royal Bhutan Army staff were subjected to the firing execution on that day. Still, some claim that number was 21, but not 41.

(The matter presented by the writer is based on his own findings and necessarily it doesn’t represent the official say of the Bhutan News Service as regards to sequence and truth of facts highlighted in the article by him. He can be reached here.)

Family portrait of Bhutan Nepalis in USA

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Bhutan, a tiny country wedged between China and India, is often described as the last Shangri-La. The country’s guiding principle is Gross National Happiness as opposed to the universal measurement of Gross National Product. In 2008, the fourth king, Jigme Singye Wangchuk, abdicated the throne to his 30-year-old Oxford-educated son, Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk, adopting “constitutional monarchy” and “parliamentary democracy”. To a casual observer, it is tempting to believe a new egalitarian era has dawned in Bhutan.

But beneath the facade lies a different narrative. In order to preserve its Tibetan Mahayana Buddhist culture and identity, the country expelled or forced to leave nearly one fifth of its population. In one of the world’s least known episodes of what many scholars believe was an “ethnic cleansing,” the Nepali-origin, mainly Hindu Bhutanese fled their homeland in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

The Odaris, whose stories are chronicled below, were one of thousands of families who fled the Himalayan kingdom. They also became one of the first families to be resettled in the United States after the country started to resettle 60,000 refugees (seven western countries followed suit) in late 2007. By the end of 2010, 40,000 of them have been resettled in those countries, with 38,000 in several cities and communities across the US.

Photo Courtesy: Andy Starnes/Post-Gazette

I met the Odaris, by far the most gregarious people, in April 2008 in Pittsburgh where I was working at a local daily as an Alfred Friendly Press Fellow. I wrote a number of stories about their adjustment to life in the US for the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette as well as for my home publication in Nepal. What follows is a series of personal history of four members out of the nine-member Odari family based on the interviews conducted over the phone.

Bhawani Prasad Odari, 53 (father)

There was no option but to leave. So I sold my cattle, left my foodstuffs and the house right there. I and my wife managed to carry our Bhutanese citizenship certificates and some belongings. All I had was three thousand rupees.

My grandfather used to tell me about the trip to Bhutan. He was 51 years old when he migrated from Panchthar (eastern hills of Nepal). In 1945, he along with wife, his four sons and two daughters trekked for 16 days to reach Bhutan. He was fleeing the persecution from ethnic Limbus who claimed that Brahmins like him were outsiders.

In Bhutan, they cleared the forest and settled at Kabachche village in Chirang district. My father, at 22, had already married a woman in Nepal. But my stepmother had eloped. So, he married another woman the year he arrived in Bhutan. I was told that my mother was 11 when she got married to my father. Her family had moved to Bhutan several decades before our grandparents did. I was born on September 30, 1957 at Kabachche as the first son of Khadga Prasad Odari and Padma Odari.

My family was hardworking and relied on subsistent farming for livelihood. As a child, I used to work as a cowherd. When I became adult, I worked as a farmhand. The paddy farming and harvest season were especially busy occasions. Education for a family like ours was beyond our means. The rich people would send their kids for education in India.

We had orange and lemon orchards. We used to grow corn, wheat, lentil, cardamom. But the farming was primitive—we relied on oxen for tilling the land. My grandfather, who died in 1996, was an adept carpenter. He had built a beautiful mud and stone house with thatched roof in our 14 acres land.

I married when I was 12. I didn’t know anything—it was on my father’s insistence. My wife Lachhchhi Devi was a year younger than me. My in-laws are Kaderiyas from Chirang, one of 20 districts in Bhutan. I had not met or seen her before the marriage. The marriage—in a traditional Nepali Hindu way—was a colorful and elaborate ceremony. Damai musicians played several musical instruments. I rode on a horse and dozens of jantis (the procession that accompanies the groom) followed. Feast had been prepared and a makeshift oblation was constructed for the ceremony. The invitees, dressed in their best clothes, jostled to get a glimpse of the bride and the groom. The priest recited mantras from Hindu scriptures. I and my bride circled the fire seven times and received blessings from relatives in the day-long ceremony.

My first child Man Maya was born in 1979, ten years after my marriage. The rest –three daughters and three sons – were also born in Bhutan. In 1983, I separated from my father after the anshabanda – the property we had was divided among us brothers. I was entitled a cow, a horse, and a pair of oxen. I, along with my wife and two daughters moved down south to Sarbhang district. I bought four acres land. I rented another four acres for paddy farming. I would travel to Siliguri in West Bengal to sell the produce.

I was happy with what I had and didn’t care or know much about larger happenings. But in early 1990, I heard that college students had begun protests against the government after it withdrew Nepali curricula from schools. Several students were arrested; others arrived in our village and instigated us to participate in protests. I didn’t take part in the protests but common people like me were caught in between. If we participated in the protests organized by political parties like Bhutan People’s Party, we were targeted by the government. If we didn’t, the cadres of the political parties wouldn’t spare us. People talked about beatings, torture, rape and murder perpetrated by the Royal Bhutan Army. There were rumors of Hindu temples being dismantled. Amidst all this, I received the message that my father, mother and my brothers’ families were fleeing the country. They were traveling via my place on their way to India. There was no option but to leave. So I sold my cattle, left my foodstuffs and the house right there. I and my wife managed to carry our Bhutanese citizenship certificates and some belongings. All I had was three thousand rupees.

We left Bhutan on March 14, 1992. In three hours, we arrived at the Indian border. We heard that the refugees were sheltered in Morigaon, Assam. There, over a dozen refugee families were sheltered under tarpaulin-roofed shacks. Life there was miserable because there wasn’t enough food to eat. A few Indian-Nepalis had extended their helping hands but that wasn’t sufficient. The Indian government had turned a blind eye on our predicament.

We further heard that refugees were flocking to Nepal. A few days later, we too left for Nepal. After registering in Kakarbhitta’s UNHCR office as refugees from Bhutan, we moved further west. We got off on the banks of Mai River in Jhapa. It was just a barren land. We erected bamboo huts. Hundreds of children died from a sudden outbreak of dysentery. I attended to some 14 funerals a day. I myself traveled to Siliguri to fetch medicines for my children. This was the lowest moment in the camp. I had run out of my resources and energy.

But succor came in late 1992 when the UNHCR took charge of the camps. We shifted to Beldangi camp where we were allocated a double space because one hut was for up to eight members. With the materials provided by UNHCR, we constructed a small wattle and daub hut.

Photo Courtesy: Andy Starnes/Post-Gazette

I still remember the first day in the hut. The dusk fell as we busied ourselves in arranging our belongings. We couldn’t cook food. So we took beaten rice as the meal for the night. It was far better than the congested and grimy settlement of Mai. I had to worry about not only my kids (then aged 10, 9, 7, 6, 4, 3, and 2) but also my ageing parents.

But sitting idle in the camps was not a solution. So I requested an “out pass” (that allowed refugees to leave camp for a week) from UNHCR and left for India. I started a small trade: I would buy clothes, spices, tea powder and vegetables in India and sell them to fellow refugees. But I had to bribe Nepali police at the Indo-Nepal border. Nevertheless, it helped raise my kids and pay for their stationery and clothes.

As my kids grew up and became adults, we faced another problem: the food was never enough to fill their hungry bellies. Initially, we were entitled 52 kg of rice as rations for fifteen days. But a couple of years later, it was reduced to 50 kg. We had to buy additional 15 to 20 kg. But we were doing much better than other refugees, thanks to my small business.

I was working on a farm when I got the news about moving to America. IOM (International Organization for Migration that facilitates refugees’ travel and screening for resettlement) had called on us. The next day, I along with my family went to IOM office in Damak. Altogether, 360 refugees were summoned. After interviews and health checkups, my family left the camps on April 20, 2008.

I wasn’t feeling well when we (my wife and four children) landed in New York. It was the first time I was flying, that too for many hours. We were expecting that our three children, who had arrived in the US three weeks before, would be waiting for us at the airport in New York. Instead, we were directed to the departure. We boarded another plane to Pittsburgh. I was ill with fever and cough. I felt a little at ease after meeting my children at the Pittsburgh airport. We headed to Prospect Park (in suburban Pittsburgh).

Topographically, Pittsburgh appeared to be akin to my native Bhutan. Coming from the rundown refugee camps in the dusty plains, it immediately attracted me. But I was also worried that I didn’t speak English. While traveling in India, I used to communicate in rudimentary Hindi and was aware of the significance of local language in a foreign land.

Nowadays, I’m working along with my children and other fellow refugees at Quality Driven Copack, a frozen food packing factory. I regularly visit the local Hindu temple in Monroeville, a half-an-hour drive from my apartment. We were expelled from Bhutan for observing our tradition and culture. We would like to exercise our freedom in America.

Yani Maya Odari, 26 (2nd eldest daughter)

I would go to the nearby forest to collect grass for the goats. This was where I was oftentimes caught by the forest authorities.

My earliest memory of the refugee camp is that of the first day in Beldangi where the UNHCR had allocated spaces to refugees to construct their huts. I remember my parents and other refugees clearing the dense forest and cutting bamboos. I neither have any recollection of Bhutan nor that of the first camp on the banks of Kankai Mai River. I was six when my family left Bhutan. My most pleasant and saddest moments are of  the refugee camps where I spent most of my childhood.

As we settled in the bamboo hut, life seemed a little better. We had a space, albeit too small to call our own. A year later, I started to attend school which was exclusively for refugees kids. The teachers were also refugees who had studied in Bhutan. We were provided with free education up to grade 10.

My typical day started at 3:30 am. I studied my course books till 4:30. Then I would take the plastic buckets to the water tap. We had to queue up in order to fill the water because it was only in the wee hours the water tap ran. In dim kerosene lamps (no electricity in the camps), I would study and do homework till daybreak.

At the crack of dawn, I would again head off to the public tap. There, I would fill water into my buckets and also take bath. At 7:30 am, I would take breakfast and leave for school. I would return home at around 4 pm. Then I would either do my homework or again fetch water. We had a small grocery store in a bamboo hut, run by my parents. I would take turns to allow my mother to leave for cooking at home.

Even though it was illegal, we used to domesticate goats. For Dashain festival, we reared one big khasi, a he-goat. We would make sure that our relatives, who would come to receive tika and blessing, were able to relish the much awaited masu-bhat.

I would go to the nearby forest to collect grass for the goats. This was where I was oftentimes caught by the forest authorities. Sometimes they would confiscate my wicker basket, at other times they would beat us mercilessly. To avoid them, we would hide the grass in a bag. On several occasions, I was beaten and was once detained for a few hours. We weren’t allowed to cut grass—it was only for the locals.

I don’t think I would to go to Nepal or Bhutan for good. Even though I’m identified as Bhutanese, I relate to Nepal because I grew up there. Someday I would like to return to Nepal and meet my relatives and Nepali friends.

But at the moment, I want to focus on my career. I had to leave Nepal without completing my college education. Therefore, I’m exploring opportunities to train myself. I would like to be a nurse and work in a hospital.

In my spare time, I watch Nepali television serials. I also listen to BBC Nepali Service to keep abreast of events in Nepal. Some members of our extended family are still living in camps. I’m worried about them and wish they would be resettled in the US as soon as possible. After the first four months in their designated location in the US, they can migrate to Pittsburgh. Indeed, many have done so. I think this is because of better job opportunities and good weather here.

While enjoying a decent life here, I often remember the spring season we spent in the camps when storms wreaked havoc. We would often grab a part of the roof lest the storm blow it away. In retrospect, it sounds funny but it was really a hard time maintaining our lives in the squalid camps.

Man Maya Odari, 29 (eldest daughter)

I first heard of third-country resettlement in 2003. I was at school when the UNHCR officials arrived in Beldangi and distributed pamphlets which talked about three options for refugees: repatriation, resettlement, and local integration.

I have only some fragments of memory of Bhutan because I was 10 when we left the country. And I was two when I was separated from my parents: I was brought up by my maternal grandmother until age seven. I remember going to local school to study at the kindergarten.

Elder sisters from my village would help me cross the river that would overflow in monsoon. The mountain roads would make it difficult for me to walk. At school, we were provided free lunch that consisted of powder milk and salty sardines. There are several pleasant memories. Our school used to organize cultural programs, and my senior schoolmates used to take me along, often carrying me on their back. They would also buy me chocolates.

In the autumn of 1991, my father came to take me along to Sarbhang, the southern plains where our family was relocated, from the hills. It was during Dashain. So I readily agreed to go with him. But more than that, it was the fear of eviction that led to my reunion with my siblings.

I don’t remember much about Sarbhang. We had rented an army man’s house. Six months after my arrival, my paternal grandfather, grandmother and uncles’ families left their homes and made it to our place. We had already received the news of their arrival. All I heard from my relatives was “We aren’t allowed to stay in Bhutan.” Our house in Sarbhang was near the Indo-Bhutan border. We crossed the border and entered Assam in Northeast India. Later, my maternal grandfather’s family joined us at Morigaon in Assam.

Two days after we arrived in Assam, we stayed in a house for five days. Then we boarded a bus. We traveled for a day and night and arrived in Maidhar (the bank of Kankai Mai River in Jhapa). My first impression of that place was that of a desert-like barren land. It was spring and I was feeling very hot. We were allocated a place on the riverbank along with hundreds of refugees. Many refugees who came from the hills could not cope with the humidity. As a result, several refugee kids died.

Fortunately, we had relatives in Jhapa. They came to see us. Realizing the harsh situation we were in, they took three of us (me, my younger sister Yani Maya, and my father’s sister who traveled with us to Nepal) to live with them for the time being. At Panchgachhi in Jhapa, I was pleasantly surprised to discover an Odari Chowk, named after our kinfolk. We were cared for properly, were given dairy products that reminded us of our life in Bhutan. But our parents and my siblings had to rely on rations provided by the locals.

Two months later, we heard that the refugees were being relocated to seven different places across Jhapa and Morang districts. We joined our parents in Maidhar and left for Beldangi where refugees were sequestered in a godown-like place. Fellow refugees were scrambling to find out their belongings. We stayed there for four days. During that time, we cooked food on a makeshift hearth on the meadows.

Six months later, I started to go to school. But the school was on open grounds. We were given secondhand books donated by local students. One class consisted of 20 to 25 students. Our batch completed the whole session taking classes on the open field. The next year, I was admitted to the second grade. Then, Panchawati Secondary School with bamboo huts was built. I studied in this school up to grade eight. I completed grade nine and ten from Tri-Ratna School. As I had an attachment with my maternal uncle’s family since my childhood, I would go to visit them at Khudunabari, another camp 10 km away. After school, I enrolled at Global College in Damak, the nearest town from the camp.

I first heard of third-country resettlement in 2003. I was at school when the UNHCR officials arrived in Beldangi and distributed pamphlets which talked about three options for refugees: repatriation, resettlement, and local integration. After reading them, the refugees expressed their desire according to their preferences. Immediately after, a census was undertaken jointly by Nepal government and UNHCR.

From the very beginning, I knew our family would opt for resettlement. We saw that Bhutan wasn’t interested to repatriate us. On several occasions, my fellow refugees struggled for returning home but all in vain. Some of them had even made it to Phuentsholing (a border Bhutanese town) but they were sent back to India. The option of local integration was also not attractive for us because we didn’t have any land in Nepal. So we asked ourselves, “If you have to work for a living, why don’t you work in a country where there’s better working environment?” This is how we chose third-country resettlement. But we were never sure we would come to the US.

My younger sister Yani Maya, younger brother Dilli Prasad, and I arrived in Pittsburgh on April 9, 2008. As the eldest daughter, I was particularly worried about my parents and siblings. I was wondering whether they would join us or not. I requested John Miller, the director at Catholic Charities (that is resettling Bhutanese refugees in Pittsburgh) to facilitate our parents’ relocation to Pittsburgh. He was kind enough to show us the file of our parents. He even asked us to look for an apartment.

When I was shown a three-bedroom apartment a few blocks away from ours, I was elated. We waited for our parents, two sisters and two brothers. April 29, 2008, the day they arrived in Pittsburgh is one of my happiest days.

Even though I had studied in English medium school in the refugee camp, it took me a month to understand the American accent. Now it’s been two years and I can fairly understand it. But at times, it’s still tough to comprehend those who talk very fast.

Dilli Prasad Odari, 23 (eldest son)

I was struck by the frankness and kindness of Americans. But their accent turned out to be almost incomprehensible. I was at a loss when they spoke to me. But nowadays, things have changed.

I was learning to drive when I got the news of moving to America. I remember the exact date: March 15, 2008. The UNHCR and IOM had started to accept applications for the resettlement in six western countries, including America. As soon as the word got out about the resettlement, we had applied for it. From our family, I and my two elder sisters were flying together. We three were summoned to the UNHCR office and were told that we would leave the camps on April 4, 2008.

Many in the refugee camps were skeptical about this offer. But I was hoping that it would come true. I knew I’d have to drive my own car once I was settled in America. So I started to take driving lessons at Nembang Driving Center in Damak.

I started meeting my friends because I knew I had only two weeks to go. I concentrated on my driving classes. Then very few people had left the camps for third-country resettlement. We lived in the shadow of fear because rumors were fast spreading about how we’ll be again corralled into camps in America. “You’ll be herded like animals,” we were told. On the evening of April 3, we left the camp for Damak. The next morning, we left for Bhadrapur to take a flight to Kathmandu. It was my first trip to the capital city. After staying for three days in a transit center in Kathmandu, we flew to the US on April 7. In a group of 35 refugees, the flight had a whiff of familiarity.

But it didn’t last long. From New York, I and my two sisters boarded a flight to Pittsburgh, a city in Pennsylvania. The first day in Pittsburgh also happened to be my hardest day.

Everything looked strange: tall buildings, cars everywhere and people looked very confident, well-dressed and clean. We didn’t know a single soul. “Where have we arrived?” we asked each other. We felt sad and lonely. I wondered how I would cope in an alien world.

We visited the office of Catholic Charities that helped us resettle. We were provided with food stamps and bus tickets. They paid rent for our three-bedroom apartment. We had to go to its downtown office for paperwork. I requested the officials at the Charities to make sure our parents joined us in Pittsburgh. Twenty days later, they arrived here. I was very happy to see my parents at the airport.

I was struck by the frankness and kindness of Americans. But their accent turned out to be almost incomprehensible. I was at a loss when they spoke to me. But nowadays, things have changed. At Quality Driven Copack, a food packing factory where I worked for over a year, I got to talk to many Americans. The work has given me a new meaning. But it was very difficult in the beginning. I had never worked before. I was hoping to drive a cab. Instead, I’m working with machines in freezing temperatures. But when I receive the salary ($8.25 per hour), I forget the drudgery.

In the apartment I share with my three sisters and a brother, I marvel at the luxury offered in America. You insert a card and operate the washing machines; your clothes are washed in a few minutes. We shop in Chinese markets and big malls like Wal-Mart.

Ever since I arrived in America, I looked forward to one experience that I never had before: snowfall. The year 2009 brought the first snow of my life. It was early January and the TV channels were abuzz with the news of snowfall. I ventured out to find that the road had been blanketed by snow. A couple of boys were skateboarding. As I watched them with amazement, a boy offered me a ride and I instantly accepted. But I was not able to maintain the equilibrium.

On October 7, 2009, I fulfilled my long-cherished dream: I bought a Nisan Maxima car for $15,000. A local American (Robert) taught me how to drive. I learnt it the hard way because in Nepal I was taught left-hand side driving, but here it’s the other way round. On October 20, I drove for 13 hours and arrived in New Hampshire where I met my childhood friend, Upendra Bhattarai.

Life has changed after I bought the car. I’ve made a few American friends with whom I go for fishing. I also obtained a fishing license. Recently, we went to the Erie Lake where I caught five fishes. I brought the fish home and my sisters cooked it. I’m also planning to get a hunting license. I frequently go to parks with my refugee friends. I have my own laptop and I’ve installed Internet connection. We often joke that we drive cars that in Nepal are owned only by ministers and rich people.

In a few years, I’ll buy a house. Instead of working for someone else’s business, I want to start my own. I want to learn about automobile servicing and eventually open up a service center as I’m much interested in this field. And I see that Americans love cars. So it’s going to be a good business.

Deepak Adhikari is a journalist based in Kathmandu and the article has been reproduced from Myrepublica with permission from the writer.

Open letter to Nepali President Yadav

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I have the honour to address this letter to you on behalf of the Bhutanese forced by the government to live in exile as refugees for close to two decades now in Nepal and elsewhere. I hope you would not regard this letter as an unwanted intrusion in your busy official and private engagements, but show it the concern it deserves.

Much has been written and said about why and how our problem started. They are on record as a matter of fact and need no reiteration. The whole problem is a consequence of the misguided but deliberate national policy of the Government of Bhutan (GoB) at ethnic purification of a multi-racial, multi-cultural and multi-linguist nation. Given the reality of your long and active public life, I am aware that this issue is both within your knowledge and familiarity. So repeating the facts of the situation near the beginning would both be presumptuous on my par and a waste of your valuable time.

The whole process of negotiation between the two governments to resolve the issue is also well documented. How even after the joint verification of refugees and as agreed by the two governments Bhutan brazenly walked out of the process to avoid taking back its citizens is a matter of record too. The action by the Bhutanese authority not only betrayed the Bhutanese nationals but also made a blatant mockery of the position of the Government of Nepal (GoN) and all established international norms including human rights and civil liberty. Even today, however unfortunate, the reality is that these citizens per force continue to live as refugees in the UN-sponsored camps in the eastern Nepal.

In more recent times, I am sure you are aware that Bhutan has charmed the international community with its Shangri-La image to get its citizens in the camps settled in various third countries. Some major countries have come forward to resettle the refugees in their countries, and this process, in fact, has long begun. While this fully exposes the intention of the GoB to see its forcefully evicted citizens resettled anywhere in the world but none to be repatriated, it also demonstrates the callous disregard by the international community of the human rights of the refugees undermining their right to return to their own country, ignoring the fact that refugees have right to return to their country of origin as secured by the international law.

We are not against the real sentiment of the ongoing third country resettlement per se but we believe that this option of the resettlement should have been activated simultaneously with an alternative such as the repatriation of the refugees to Bhutan. And, the whole truth of the matter is that all the refugees do not want the third country resettlement. Many are for repatriation to their own homes in Bhutan. What was most disheartening for us was that this initiative was put into effect without the general consent of the refugees, particularly those who had worked to settle them in camps in coordination with the GoN and other aid organizations including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Even more painful is the reality that some international agencies based in Damak are strongly and openly giving a push to the idea by actively campaigning and motivating the refugees for the third country resettlement. The third country resettlement option has today become a fait accompli for the refugees given its “take it or leave it nature”. It was never an option, in fact, in the absence of other alternatives. It seems rather compulsory than voluntary as stated. Repatriation is all but forgotten. It is not hard to find a significant number of refugee families separated and left heart-broken because of the resettlement program. Those who were just homeless have become people of nowhere due to resettlement since there exists no nation for these people. It has only worsened their situation.

In such a state of affairs, we strongly believe that it is the responsibility of the rational thinking people in all walks of life and in particular those in power to defend the right of innocent refugees and guard them from the implementation of the third country resettlement. It is in this light that I take this opportunity to request you to use your position of the high office to review and appraise the refugees issue and act to set in the motion the process of repatriation allowing the unjustly displaced Bhutanese citizens wanting to go back to their original homes to return and live in peace and harmony.

Please accept the assurances of my highest considerations

(This is an open letter addressed to President of Nepal, Dr Ram Baran Yadav, by Chairman of the Bhutanese Refugee Representative Repatriation Committee, Dr Bhampa Rai, requesting the former to ask the Government of Nepal to repatriate Bhutanese refugees to Bhutan. The President alerted Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal and the Council of Ministers on March 24, 2011 for the needful action. )

Thinley’s verbal assurance will remain as it is : Paudyal

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Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinely, who paid his three-day visit to Nepal as SAARC chairperson, said Bhutanese refugees in the UN-monitored camps of Jhapa and Morang were refugees, but not Bhutanese refugees. Organizing a press meet in Kathmandu on Saturday PM Thinely said, “They are economic refugees. They are environmental refugees. They are refugees of political instability. They are victims of circumstances that are beyond their control.” As he wrapped up his visit, Vidhyapati Mishra of Bhutan News Service talked to Bhutan Peoples’ Party President, Balaram Paudyal, on issues raised by the PM’s visit. Paudyal opined that nothing miraculous will be seen in near future. He said that Thinley’s verbal assurance to resolve the refugee issue will remain as it is. According to him, the refugees will see nothing in action. However, changes around the world indicate that Bhutan will not remain intact forever, he said. Excerpts:

How do you evaluate the recent visit of Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley to Nepal?
Paudyal : As regard to the issues of bilateral cooperation and South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), his visit was fruitful. However, nothing happened on the refugee issue except his verbal assurance to resume the installed bilateral talks. He presented his similar tone as he did in his last visit to Nepal. I am not optimistic that anything positive will happen in the near future.

Your party issued a statement hinting that Thinley’s government would not resolve the refugee issue. What is the logic?
Paudyal : Thinley was the head of government before holding the so-called general election. His government was loyal to the king and crown. Later in 2008, the country witnessed a democratic transformation, though we don’t call it democracy, and new government was formed with people’s representation. Interestingly, he was promoted to the same executive post to serve the autocratic king and his family. Thus, nothing can be expected from his government as regard to finding a permanent solution to the refugee issue.

BPP President Paudyal

PM Thinley even said that his government would do nothing if more people decide to leave the country. How do you comment on this?
Paudyal : We have been saying that around 80,000 Nepali-speaking Bhutanese are under the threat of eviction. The international community was not taking this issue seriously. But, today Thinley clarified Bhutan is preparing to expel more citizens into exile. How can citizens who have been there for generations decide to leave the country? His statement explains that the situation for Nepali-speaking citizens is extremely bitter for their survival. Thus, we fair more expulsion by his government.

He ruled out India’s involvement in the issue. What is your comment?
Paudyal : Definitely, India is not need to resolve the refugee issue. But, for this Bhutan needs to be sincere and committed. The past has shown clearly that Bhutan lacks both sincerity and commitment their websitetrustedsee post. So, India is a must in this issue. Bhutan wants to prolong the issue by playing various tactics with the Government of Nepal. Thus, he ruled out any third party involvement in the issue. Further, the refugee issue is a matter to be finalized between refugees and Bhutan. So, Nepal must play a mediating role to involve refugee leaders in the bilateral talks.

Seems enough has not been done to press Bhutan to accept the citizens?
Paudyal : Of course, Bhutan has not felt pressure from the international community and powerful nation to resolve the long-standing refugee stalemate. However, Bhutan has been under pressure in the recent year. But, this is not sufficient. Bhutanese citizens have bigger role to pressurize the government.

What is your party doing then?
Paudyal : It is known to everyone that we are in a third country. Fighting for changes in Bhutan from Nepal is not as easy as any person thinks of. Besides, India has stood as the biggest barrier. Refugees and political parties in exiles have been playing their own part. The mission is still on. We hope that one day we’ll be able to bring changes in Bhutan.

Paudyal

Has the third country resettlement hindered the ongoing struggle for change?
Paudyal : I can’t say that the resettlement has disturbed our activities. Those who have resettled also want changes in Bhutan and wish to repatriate when a congenial environment is created inside Bhutan. The resettled folks are alert and we expect their supports and contributions whenever we need their support.

Should bilateral talks be continued?
Paudyal : Decisive bilateral talks are important on the refugee issue. Thinley’s visit to Nepal was planned before a month. When he arrived in Nepal, he told the Government of Nepal that he wants to sit for bilateral talks. But, he didn’t mention any date for holding such discussions. We must understand that he is not sincere in his words. Otherwise, he could have come to Nepal with proper homework regarding the resumption of the bilateral talks.

What Nepal should do then?
Paudyal : Nepal must form a permanent taskforce to hold discussion with refugees and their leaders, and according mediate the talks with the Bhutanese authority. Or, Nepal must formally invite India to get involved in the issue. If this also fails, the issue should be immediately internalized. This is what we have been advocating for years.

Do you think that something miraculous will happen very soon?
Paudyal : Nothing as such will be seen in near future. Thinley’s verbal assurance to resolve the refugee issue will remain as it is. Refugees will see nothing in action. However, changes around the world indicate that Bhutan will not remain intact forever. Changes will definitely come in Bhutan one day.

Thinley’s statement irks BPP ; asks him to prove refugees as ‘non-Bhutanese’

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The Bhutan Peoples’ Party (BPP) has condemned the statement of Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley who claimed that refugees of UN-monitored camps of Jhapa and Morang districts are socio-economic and environmental refugees requiring proper verification.

BPP President Paudyal

Issuing a press statement on Sunday, BPP President Balaram Paudyal said that such a statement from Thinley, who played a crucial role in evicting thousands of Bhutanese citizens 20 years ago, was a straight forward challenge to the host country Nepal and the UN aid agencies feeding the Bhutanese refugees for years.

“The controversial statement raising question on the nationality of the genuine Bhutanese in exile speaks of the nature of democracy of Bhutan as it has come from the head of the government that serves the autocratic king and the crown” said Paudyal.

The party also said that not a single person taking refuge in the eastern Nepal is a non-Bhutanese.

“The BPP asks Thinley and the Bhutanese regime to prove them as non-Bhutan,” said Paudyal adding, “Such an irresponsible statement from him shows that Bhutan is never sincere in resolving the long standing refugee issue, thereby clarifying the fact that India’s involvement is a must in the issue.”

The party also requested Nepal to initiate talks involving Bhutan, India, Nepal and Bhutanese refugee leaders for repatriating the refugees to their hometowns with dignity and honour.

“We also ask the Government of Nepal to assist the Bhutanese refugees in their democratic struggle and form a permanent taskforce to handle the refugee issue in Nepal,” added he.

The BPP said it is of the opinion that refugee issue is not only related to those dwelling in camps, but also encompasses internal democratic struggle and call for human rights in Bhutan.

“We ask the king of Bhutan, Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk, to learn lesson from other nations ruled by similar dictators and become ready to resolve the Bhutanese refugee issue within this year.”

PM Thiney hints to expel more citizens as he wraps up Nepal’s visit

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Prime Minsiter Jigmi Y Thinley, who returned home after completing a three-day trip to Nepal, hinted to expel more citizens from the country.

File photo : PM Thinley

Organising a press meet in Kathmandu on Saturday morning, he said that his government would do nothing if people choose to leave the country. He was responding to a media query on probable eviction of more Nepali-speaking Bhutanese citizens.

“If they want to leave the country, the government can’t do anything to stop them,” he told.

The PM also said that India has no role in this regard saying Nepal and Bhutan need to solve the long-standing refugee stalemate.

“Governments of Nepal and Bhutan are responsible in dealing with the refugee issue,” PM Thinley told reporters at the Hotel Yak & Yeti before leaving for Bhutan.

Meanwhile, he hinted that all refugees in the UN-administered camps are not Bhutanese citizens saying Nepal and Bhutan need to sit for discussion to verify those people. But, he didn’t say when would that happen.

According to Nepalnews, the Bhutanese PM also held discussion on the bilateral issues with UCPN (Maoist) chairman Puspha Kamal Dahal. However, he didn’t elaborate.

Rizal contemplates torture suit against JSW ; expects to recover compensation

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Human rights leader Tek Nath Rizal said that discussion have begun with Bruce Fein& Associates Inc, a law firm of Washington DC, to initiate legal procedures against the former king of Bhutan, Jigme Singye Wangchuk, as torture suits.

Tek Nath Rizal

Issuing a press statement on Saturday leader Rizal said that the firm, on behalf of the Bhutanese diaspora outside Bhutan, will file these suits worth hundreds of millions of dollars under the US Torture Victims Protection (TVP) Act, as compensation to the damages caused to thousands of victims of torture who have been forced to live in exiles as refugees during the rule of the king and even at present.

“The TVP Act endows both aliens and United States citizens with legal claims against foreign officials and administrators responsible for torture or extra-judicial killings perpetrated under the banner of draconian legislations,” said Rizal in his statement.

According to him, the United States of America is authorised to assert personal jurisdiction over foreign defendants because both torture and extra-judicial killings violate universal human rights laws and inflict injury on human civilization itself.

“The amount of damages in compensation that might be recovered in legal suits under the TVP Act against the former Bhutanese king would be close to one billion US dollars,” added Rizal.

Rizal said that the former king Jigme Singye and his family have amassed wealth comprising cash and assets well in excess of that sum through the gross misuse of funds from state exchequer and other national revenues as well as development funds provided to the country under bilateral and multilateral agreements.